Configurational Comparative Methods (CCMs) aim to learn causal structures from datasets by exploiting Boolean sufficiency and necessity relationships. One important challenge for these methods is that such Boolean relationships are often not satisfied in real-life datasets, as these datasets usually contain noise. Hence, CCMs infer models that only approximately fit the data, introducing a risk of inferring incorrect or incomplete models, especially when data are also fragmented (have limited empirical diversity). To minimize this risk, evaluation measures for sufficiency and necessity (...) should be sensitive to all relevant evidence. This article points out that the standard evaluation measures in CCMs, consistency and coverage, neglect certain evidence for these Boolean relationships. Correspondingly, two new measures, contrapositive consistency and contrapositive coverage, which are equivalent to the binary classification measures specificity and negative predictive value, respectively, are introduced to the CCM context as additions to consistency and coverage. A simulation experiment demonstrates that the introduced contrapositive measures indeed help to identify correct CCM models. (shrink)

Ascribing moral responsibility in collective action cases is notoriously difficult. After all, if my individual actions make no difference with regard to the prevention of climate change, the alleviation of poverty, or the outcome of national elections, why ought I to stop driving, donate money, or cast my vote? Neither consequentialist nor non-consequentialist moral theories have straightforward responses ready at hand. In this contribution, I present a new suggestion which, based on thoughts about causal overdetermination along the lines of Mackie’s (...) INUS account, aims to show that causally overdetermined collective action cases are morally arbitrary in a way that makes it possible to ascribe moral responsibility even if individual actions make no difference. (shrink)

Some scientists and philosophers claimed that there is a converse to multiple realizability. While a given higher-level property can be realized by different lower-level properties (multiple realizability), a given lower-level property can in turn serve to realize different higher-level properties (this converse I dubbed the unfortunately obscure "constructival plasticity" to emphasize the constructive metaphysics involved in this converse to multiple realizability). I began by defining multiple realizabilty in a formal way. (Looking back, one point of interest is that I defined (...) modally weak and strong versions of realization, which is relevant to later views about contingent versus necessitarian grounding.) I then turned to the relation in question. By my analysis, for the converse claim to be true, a lower-level property G1 that realizes a higher-level F must be taken in conjunction with some other base condition G2 so that a difference in G2 allows G1 to determine some other higher-level property E but not F (otherwise there would be violations of supervenience). The realization law thus has the form: (G1 & G2) => F. As such, the base property G1 is insufficient by itself to produce F. It is an insufficient but necessary part of a sufficient condition. I also point out that this makes the realization base property an INUS condition, if combined with multiple realizability. Specifically, if F is multiply realized by properties other than the pair G1 and G2, then G1 is an insufficient but necessary part of an unnecessary but sufficient condition. This is just the first clear and explicit INUS condition view of realization in the literature. Looking back, this converse is also relevant to later views, such as Robert Wilson's view about metaphysically contextual realization. (shrink)

Evidence-based policymaking (EBP) relies on an epistemological assumption that evidence from randomized controlled trials (RCTs) is the finest evidence for policy formulation, while expert testimony is the poorest one. This paper argues that while RCTs are a valuable source of empirical evidence for policy interventions, they are not sufficient on their own to support evidence-based policy formulation. Through the lens of the INUS framework of causation, we demonstrate that the effectiveness of a policy is influenced by a complex interplay (...) of contextual factors, which RCTs alone cannot capture. We advocate for the integration of contextual and qualitative knowledge, including testimonies from experts and community members, to supplement RCT findings. This additional knowledge provides insights into the social, cultural, and subjective dimensions of the target population, addressing motivations, preferences, and other factors that can significantly impact policy success. By comparing reductionist and non-reductionist perspectives on the use of testimony in evidence-based policy, we argue for a balanced approach that values credible testimonies as essential to understanding context. Ultimately, this paper underscores the importance of a multifaceted evidence approach in crafting effective, context-sensitive public policies. (shrink)

The Minimal Theory of Causation, presented in Graßhoff and May, 2001, aspires to be a version of a regularity analysis of causation able to correctly predict our causal intuitions. In my article, I will argue that it is unsuccessful in this respect. The second aim of the paper will be to defend Hitchcock’s proposal concerning divisions of causal relations against criticism made, in Jakob, 2006 on the basis of the Minimal Theory of Causation.