Collected essays consider points of affinity and friction between Walter Benjamin and Martin Heidegger. Despite being contemporaries, Walter Benjamin and Martin Heidegger never directly engaged with one another. Yet, Hannah Arendt, who knew both men, pointed out common ground between the two. Both were concerned with the destruction of metaphysics, the development of a new way of reading and understanding literature and art, and the formulation of radical theories about time and history. On the other hand, their life trajectories and (...) political commitments were radically different. In a 1930 letter, Benjamin told a friend that he had been reading Heidegger and that if the two were to engage with one another, “sparks will fly.” Acknowledging both their affinities and points of conflict, this volume stages that confrontation, focusing in particular on temporality, Romanticism, and politics in their work. (shrink)

The lost opportunity is overwhelming, an exigence in the full sense—a recollection of that which can only remain forgotten. In the midst of the storm, what to do now? If this is the question with which Walter Benjamin began, in a poem published in 1910 under the pseudonym "Ardor," it is one over which he kept a solemn vigil, rarely letting it slip from view, even as the border closed in the months not long after he rendered Klee's 1920 painting, (...) Angelus Novus, into the emblem of a critique that seeks the "shard of weak messianic power" that comes to recognizability only in a history "filled full by now-time [Jetztzeit]" (2011, 22-23; 2003, 395). A hope then, a feeling that even as the storm from paradise blows .. (shrink)

This article examines Hannah Arendt’s concern for remembrance in political life in light of contemporary discourses regarding the memory of slavery and colonization in the African diaspora. Arendt’s blindness to questions of exclusion within this context has given way to a set of critical debates in Arendt studies concerning the viability of her political project. In this paper, I give further contour to these debates by considering Arendt’s discourse on revolution in light of an analysis of the Haitian Revolution. In (...) so doing, my aim is to deepen and challenge Arendt’s understanding of the revolutionary tradition that she believes we are responsible for remembering and appropriating anew in political life today. (shrink)

Where Benjamin attempts an account of social and attention practices surrounding the artwork, Adorno accuses him of not being dialectical enough and of inadequately theorizing the artwork's autonomy.2 Adorno makes the same accusation in those places where Benjamin attempts to disrupt historicism with the "dialectical image." Although Adorno appears to offer the same criticism in both instances, I maintain that Adorno's blanket prescription for more dialectics covers over a chiastic relationship between his reactions in each case. That is, the worries (...) that inform Adorno's reaction to Benjamin's portrayal of the artwork are quite the opposite of the worries that inform his reaction to Benjamin's portrayal of the .. (shrink)

In 2016, the Oxford Dictionary named “post-truth” the word of the year. In the ongoing debate about post-truth it is generally assumed that facts and truth have ceased to be relevant to politics. However, questions are seldom raised about the role of truth-claims in politics, why facts matter in political contexts, or what we even mean with words such as fact and lies in politics. A general aim of the present study is to shed light on these questions. Not, however, (...) by engaging directly in the debate about post-truth, but by investigating the relation between politics and truth in the philosophical work of Hannah Arendt and Martin Heidegger. In 1945 Arendt suggested that fascism had invented a way of “lying the truth”. She later came to call this invention the modern political lie, seeing it as one of the key elements that crystallized into totalitarianism. The study explores the paradoxical relation between politics and truth in totalitarian movements, which can reinvent itself in non-totalitarian forms in contemporary democracies. Parts of Arendt’s analysis are implicit but can be made explicit against the background of Heidegger’s political writings. Heidegger is not an advocate of the modern political lie, nonetheless his writings from the 1930s, while a member of the National Socialist party, reflect aspects of the paradoxical relation between politics and truth in totalitarian movements. Studying Heidegger and Arendt together can therefore shed light on the specific problems that Arendt addressed regarding truth and lying in politics. The study investigates the relation between politics and truth in Heidegger and Arendt respectively, but also the relation between their works. It shows that there is a proto-political aspect already in Heidegger’s early articulations of truth as aletheia and explores the central role of truth in his political writings from the 1930s. Against the background of Heidegger, Arendt’s works on the modern political lie are analyzed. The study also investigates the concept of truth developed by Arendt in works after The Origins of Totalitarianism, arguing that it should be seen partly as a response to the modern political lie. (shrink)

Drawing on a range of sources in philosophy and literature, but with particular reference to the work of Heidegger, makes a compelling case for the importance of place in philosophical discourse.

Luego de señalar algunos momentos específicos en la obra de Arendt, en los que la cuestión de la sentimentalidad aparece, sobre todo de manera crítica, nos centraremos en un aspecto específico de esta, de especial interés para nosotros: el lugar de la indignación a la hora de narrar, contar, construir la historia de una comunidad y a la hora de abrir e instaurar el espacio público, caracterizado por Arendt como el espacio de aparición más elemental, donde los otros aparecen ante (...) mí y yo aparezco ante los otros , haciendo surgir lo político. Esta perspectiva nos permitirá reconstruir la posible relación entre indignación y política, en el pensamiento de la autora alemana. Starting from highlighting some specific moments in Arendt’s works critically dealing with sentimentality matters, we will focus on a specific aspect: the place of indignation when narrating, telling, and constructing the history of a community and, at the same time, opening a public space. This is characterized by Arendt as an elementary space, where others appear to me and I appear before them. , originating the political aspect. This view allows us to rebuild the possible relationship between indignation and politics in this German author’s views. (shrink)

ABSTRACT The influence by Walter Benjamin on Arendt’s notion of narrativity has been firmly established, but little research has been done to contextualize his influence. This paper fill this lacunae by showing how, like Benjamin, Arendt was concerned to deploy a form of writing history that ensures the individuality of its agents, but that as she articulated her notion of the public space, the redemptive, messianic elements in his historiography were replaced with a secular and political mode of remembrance. The (...) notion of the public space and the accompanying secularization of Benjamin’s redemptive history should not be understood as the result of a linear development, but rather as responses to contemporary political events, of which I focus on three: (1) her early writings on totalitarianism, in which she tries to come to terms with the Shoah; (2) her reflections on the Greek city state, in which she criticizes the instrumentalization of politics in post-war democracies such as West-Germany; and finally, (3) the court room as a space for storytelling and the contestation over the history of anti-Semitism during the Eichmann trial. (shrink)

_ Source: _Page Count 22 This essay explores the influence of Benjamin’s fragmentary historiography on Arendt’s understanding of narrative. I argue that Arendt and Benjamin shared a common understanding of the problems of modernity. For both thinkers contemporary conditions of existence were defined on the one hand, by a similar conception of history, and on the other hand, a break with the tradition of philosophy. I demonstrate that Benjamin’s fragmented history, adopted by Arendt in response to this contemporary politico-philosophical crisis, (...) allowed her to redeem the past as a basis of a future-oriented philosophy by creating a space for arresting the continuum of history and asserting the importance of human agency. (shrink)

Daniel Bensaïd was a leading figure of May ’68, a Marxist thinker and an influential French public intellectual. His theoretical and political trajectory is divided into two distinct periods separated by the historical turn of 1989: the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of theussr. This also coincided with an existential turn due to his contractingaids, which brought him close to death. After this turn, he played the role of a ‘border-crosser’ between generations, intellectual currents and geopolitical areas (...) within the radical left. In the 1990s, he began a critical rereading of Marx and tried to transcend Trotskyism, confronting its legacy with other currents of critical thought, notably the Frankfurt School. Since this pivotal moment, his writings reveal a permanent and intense dialogue with the work of Walter Benjamin, which he reinterpreted in a contemporary, political perspective, rethinking the political dilemmas of the twenty-first century through a Messianic vision of history. This article emphasises the affinities between two historical constellations – 1939 and 1989 – which, in spite of their obvious differences, were equally shaped by a feeling of defeat, and allowed a fruitful ‘encounter’ between French and German philosophers. (shrink)

In this article, we postulate three items that are considered fundamental for the construction of cultures of peace through a coexistence with dignity and in a fair framework. Together ethics, creativity and imagination rise to face and challenge the various situations of violence that occur in social constructs, as they are realities that involve serious opprobrium for humanity. Thinking of a more humane world will be possible only if we are in it actively from ethical postulates and through procedures that (...) demand creativity and imagination, which are crossed in various situations such as listening and dialogue, involving mutual respect. Imagining oneself in the place of others as an ethical category and articulating it with creative forms allows us to aspire to situations that are different and diverse from those we live in, in order to achieve the construction of peace. (shrink)

En las últimas décadas, se han incrementado los estudios críticos acerca del vínculo entre el pensamiento de Martin Heidegger y de Walter Benjamin. Este trabajo intenta contribuir a este debate desde la perspectiva de la teología, problematizando su relación con la filosofía, su rol metodológico y sus derivas en la subjetividad en los escritos de la década del veinte de Heidegger y Benjamin. Este punto problemático al nivel de sus consideraciones teológicas permite conducir el análisis hacia la cuestión de la (...) temporalidad. Las lecciones tituladas Introducción a la fenomenología de la religión [Einleitung in die Phänomenologie der Religion], impartidas por Heidegger en el período 1920-1921, habilitan la introducción de nuevas líneas de discusión en torno a la teología y el tiempo -vinculadas a las tradiciones del cristianismo y el judaísmo- que permiten nuevos contrastes entre el pensamiento heideggeriano y el benjaminiano. (shrink)