The future is not a new idea. The philosophers of the Enlightenment freed it of the historic wrappings of Christian eschatology and the notion of Providence itself by rationalising the idea of progress, the possible improvement of Mankind and the terrestrial city that stemmed from it. Making use of the Renaissance, the utopian authors transformed spiritual preparation for the end of time into a view of material, earthly delight made possible by science and scientific research. This ideal was certainly embodied (...) in Francis Bacon’s New Atlantis, although Thomas More was the first of all. In passing from work on consciousness to that of the spirit, the utopians of the eighteenth century espoused Reason and soon turned the future into something much more than critical discourse: It became social opportunity, a new political framework. Audaciously shifting the utopia of “elsewhere” to “the future” in the manner of Louis-Sébastien Mercier or Marquis de Condorcet, the utopians pursued a programme relying on scientific promise: Identify the technological processes of the transformation of reality and spread the word, an aim which would give birth to a new, less discursive, more popular genre—science fiction. (shrink)

This article explores the change in meaning of the term `utopia' between 1968 and today. It proposes an interpretation of 1968 based on the connection between utopia and desire; the emergence of subjectivity in history meant a new way of becoming subjects of one's own history, and a new understanding of socio-political change, as including daily life and personal emotions.

Condorcet's arguments concerning the dependence of unhindered scientific development on the presence of democratic conditions still sounds relevant today, because they are based on specific and complex considerations concerning the character of the social enterprise of science that articulates problems that still continue. The implicit dispute between Condorcet and Rousseau is also the first great historical example of the conflict between the Enlightenment and Romanticism, which accompanies the history of modernity, as an unresolved and indeed irresolvable opposition that belongs to (...) the prehistory of our own confusions and quandaries concerning the relations between culture, science, politics and society. (shrink)

Cet article propose d'utiliser le concept d'utopie rationnelle pour rendre compte des pratiques managériales et tout particulièrement de la production de réformes répétées dans les organisations. Dans cette perspective, après avoir décrit une décennie de transformations au sein d'une organisation publique, certaines caractéristiques de la « culture managériale » sont dégagées de sa pratique réformatrice. Dans un second temps, le concept d'utopie rationnelle est construit à partir de textes canoniques et des travaux d'« utopologues ». Dans un troisième temps, utopie (...) rationnelle et culture managériale sont comparées, afin de préciser l'apport cognitif de cet outil à la compréhension du fonctionnement des organisations. (shrink)

L'article exhume une supercherie littéraire empruntant au goût chinois publiée à Paris en 1788 et tente d'en décortiquer les implications intellectuelles. Le faux porte sur le détournement du titre de l'ouvrage—référence au pamphlet de Morelly, alors communément attribué à Diderot—, de l'auteur—Confucius, philosophe contemporain de Socrate qui n'a laissé aucun ouvrage de sa main—, du travail de traduction—qui par définition n'a jamais pu exister—et de commentaire—attribué à un jésuite de la mission française en Chine. Le véritable aute ur du faux, (...) Louis Lavicomterie, Montagnard et régicide, l'a revendiqué pendant la Révolution. La reconstitution des circonstances et des arrière-plans historiques du texte tente de circonscrire la charge émotive et pamphlétaire de ce message chinois falsifié pour véhiculer un plaidoyer en faveur de l'abolition de la peine de mort et une satire de la justice et du clergé. Derrière Confucius, Lavicomterie a inscrit Voltaire en filigrane. On peut y lire autant de miroirs des attentes à la veille de la Révolution: la recherche d'une morale laïque permettant de dépasser les discordes religieuses et le rejet du droit divin, fondement de l'Ancien Régime. (shrink)

In their strife for designing a moral system where everyone is given equal consideration, cosmopolitan theorists have merely tolerated partiality as a necessary evil (insofar it means that we give priority to our kin opposite the distant needy). As a result, the cosmopolitan ideal has long departed from our moral psychologies and our social realities. Here I put forward partial cosmopolitanism as an alternative to save that obstacle. Instead of demanding impartial universal action, it requires from us that we are (...) equally responsive in all the relationships we stand in. That goes from the local to the cosmopolitan sphere, since I defend that we are related with strangers as co-members of the global community. Thus, partiality not only is accommodated by cosmopolitanism, but actually supports it: only by having meaningful personal relationships we become able to care for distant strangers. (shrink)

The ‘Warsaw School of History of Ideas’ is the name given to a ‘revisionist think tank’ which was led by the historian Bronisław Baczko from 1956 to 1968 in Communist Poland. This group reunited scholars like Leszek Kołakowski or Krzysztof Pomian around questions related to political believes, theological conceptions or utopian thought. Expelled from the University, B. Baczko left Poland and seek shelter in Geneva where he became a Professor of history of Ideas and historiography. In his new home, he (...) developed an original vision on Enlightenment and the French Revolution. (shrink)