Although the theory of the assertoric syllogism was Aristotle's great invention, one which dominated logical theory for the succeeding two millenia, accounts of the syllogism evolved and changed over that time. Indeed, in the twentieth century, doctrines were attributed to Aristotle which lost sight of what Aristotle intended. One of these mistaken doctrines was the very form of the syllogism: that a syllogism consists of three propositions containing three terms arranged in four figures. Yet another was that a syllogism is (...) a conditional proposition deduced from a set of axioms. There is even unclarity about what the basis of syllogistic validity consists in. Returning to Aristotle's text, and reading it in the light of commentary from late antiquity and the middle ages, we find a coherent and precise theory which shows all these claims to be based on a misunderstanding and misreading. (shrink)

There are two views of the ad hominem argument found in the textbooks and other traditional treatments of this argument, the Lockean or ex concessis view and the view of ad hominem as personal attack. This article addresses problems posed by this ambiguity. In particular, it discusses the problem of whether Aristotle's description of the ex concessis type of argument should count as evidence that he had identified the circumstantial ad hominem argument. Argumentation schemes are used as the basis for (...) drawing a distinction between this latter form of argument and another called argument from commitment, corresponding to the ex concessis argument. (shrink)

In this article we identify that the philosophers Marcus Tullius Cicero, Lucius Annaeus Seneca and Epictetus conceive a “freedom” that is characteristic of the wise and happy, and a “slavery” that is characteristic of the unwise and unhappy, nevertheless they did not use a special word for them. We name such conceptions “metaphysical freedom” and “metaphysical slavery” respectively. And we demonstrate that, in divergent intensities and objectives and in many places, the three thinkers differentiated this freedom/slavery principally from the juridical-political-social (...) freedom/slavery. -/- En este artículo identificamos que los filósofos Marco Tulio Cicerón, Lucio Anneo Séneca y Epicteto conciben una “libertad” que es característica del sabio y feliz, y una “esclavitud” que es característica del no-sabio e infeliz, aunque no les otorgaron un vocablo especial. A tales concepciones, según proponemos, las denominamos “libertad metafísica” y “esclavitud metafísica” respectivamente. Demostramos que los tres pensadores diferenciaron a éstas, con distintas intensidades y propósitos y en reiteradas ocasiones, principalmente de la libertad/esclavitud jurídico-político-social. (shrink)

ABSTRACTThis essay argues that retrieving insights from the ancient Stoic philosophers for Christian ethics is much more difficult than is often assumed and, further, that the “ethics of retrieval” is itself something worth prolonged reflection. The central problem is that in their ancient sense both Christianity and Stoicism are practically dense patterns of reasoning and mutually incompatible forms of life. Coming to see this clearly requires the realization that the encounter between Stoicism and Christianity is a conflict of lived traditions. (...) Precisely because we cannot simply extract Stoic insights from the lives in which they belong, the task of determining how Stoicism is useful for Christianity is exceptionally challenging. Indeed, doing justice to the Stoics has more to do with facing an alternative to Christianity than it does with appropriating insights for our own use. These points are developed in conversation with Elizabeth Agnew Cochran's recent article on the Stoic influence upon Jonathan Edwards. (shrink)