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  1. Public reason, non-public reasons, and the accessibility requirement.Jason Tyndal - 2019 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 49 (8):1062-1082.
    In Liberalism without Perfection, Jonathan Quong develops what is perhaps the most comprehensive defense of the consensus model of public reason – a model which incorporates both a public-reasons-only requirement and an accessibility requirement framed in terms of shared evaluative standards. While the consensus model arguably predominates amongst public reason liberals, it is criticized by convergence theorists who reject both the public-reasons-only requirement and the accessibility requirement. In this paper, I argue that while we have good reason to reject Quong’s (...)
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  • Is freedom as non-domination a right-wing idea?Stanislas Victor Richard - 2022 - European Journal of Political Theory 21 (1):187-196.
    Sean Irving’s book Hayek’s Market Republicanism: The Limits of Liberty shows that the commonly accepted reading of Hayek as a liberal thinker is mistaken, and that his political writings are best understood as belonging to the broader tradition of republicanism. The distinction is important for understanding many aspects of Hayek’s thought, and especially his rejection of social justice and majoritarian democracy. In that sense, one of the book’s more general merits is its implicit contribution to ongoing debates between republican ‘freedom (...)
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  • Freedom, money and justice as fairness.Blain Neufeld - 2017 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 16 (1):70-92.
    The first principle of Rawls’s conception of justice secures a set of ‘basic liberties’ equally for all citizens within the constitutional structure of society. The ‘worth’ of citizens’ liberties, however, may vary depending upon their wealth. Against Rawls, Cohen contends that an absence of money often can directly constrain citizens’ freedom and not simply its worth. This is because money often can remove legally enforced constraints on what citizens can do. Cohen’s argument – if modified to apply to citizens’ ‘moral (...)
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  • The role of interpretation of existing practice in normative political argument.Sune Lægaard - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (1):87-102.
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  • Global justice, states, and the relational view.Christine Hobden - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (4):371-389.
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  • Global justice, states, and the relational view.Christine Hobden - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (4):371-389.
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  • The social bases of freedom.Harrison Frye - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (7):963-979.
    I argue social and political freedom is not primarily about the absence of constraints, whether those constraints be in the form of interference or domination. Instead, social freedom is centrally about what makes us free. That is, the question of social freedom is first and foremost about determining the positive preconditions of being a free person within society. Social freedom is about what I call the social bases of freedom, or those features of our social world that we have a (...)
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  • Commons, Communes, and Freedom.Harrison Frye - 2022 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 21 (2):228-244.
    Politics, Philosophy & Economics, Volume 21, Issue 2, Page 228-244, May 2022. Private property rights involve coercion against non-owners in their enforcement. As critics of private property point out, this coercion involves a restriction on freedom. Sometimes, such critics suggest that collective property expands rights of access, and therefore expands freedom relative to private property. Does this follow? This paper argues no. To make this argument, I look at two particular forms of collective property: open-access commons and closed-access communes. Both (...)
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  • Ambiguity and vagueness in political terminology: On coding and referential imprecision.Keith Dowding & William Bosworth - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 20 (2):335-354.
    Analytic political philosophy tries to make our political language more precise. But in doing so it risks departing from our natural language and intuitions. This article examines this tension. We...
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  • Can my religion influence my conception of justice? Political liberalism and the role of comprehensive doctrines.Paul Billingham - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20 (4):402-424.
    In his last works, John Rawls explicitly argued for an overlapping consensus on a family of reasonable liberal political conceptions of justice, rather than just one. This ‘Deep Version’ of political liberalism opens up new questions about the relationship between citizens’ political conceptions, from which they must draw and offer public reasons in their political advocacy, and their comprehensive doctrines. These questions centre on whether a reasonable citizen’s choice of political conception can be influenced by her comprehensive doctrine. In this (...)
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