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  1. Dancing for Free: Pindar's Kastor Song for Hieron.Peter Wilson - 2019 - Classical Antiquity 38 (2):298-363.
    This article studies a neglected melic poem by Pindar, a hyporcheme for Hieron of Syracuse. It places the work in the context of vigorous poetic production associated with Hieron's foundation of the city of Aitna in 476/5 and assembles the relevant fragments, arguing for the inclusion of frr. 105ab, 106, 114 S-M, and for the relevance of sch. Aelius Aristeides Panathenaikos 187, 2 Dindorf. It analyzes and accepts as likely the evidence of the Pindaric sch. vet. Pythian 2.127 Drachmann that (...)
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  • (1 other version)Edward N. O'Neil.: Teles (The Cynic Teacher). (Society of Biblical Literature, Texts and Translations Number 11, Graeco-Roman Religion No. 3.) Pp. xxv + 97. Missoula, Montana: Scholars Press, 1977. Paper. [REVIEW]John Glucker - 1980 - The Classical Review 30 (01):150-151.
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  • Mousikoi Agones and the Conceptualization of Genre in Ancient Greece.Andrea Rotstein - 2012 - Classical Antiquity 31 (1):92-127.
    This article inquires into the shaping force that competition at musical contests exercised on ancient perceptions of literary genres, particularly for the non-choral and non-dramatic kinds of the Classical Period. Three musical contests of the fourth century BCE, the Panathenaia, the Amphiaraia, and the Artemisia, are taken as case studies. After a reconstruction of their programs, principles of categorization that spectators might have inferred from the contests are deduced, and modes in which categories of competition and literary genres interacted are (...)
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  • Before Turannoi Were Tyrants: Rethinking a Chapter of Early Greek History.Greg Anderson - 2005 - Classical Antiquity 24 (2):173-222.
    According to classical and postclassical sources, the early Greek turannoi were, by definition, illegitimate rulers who overturned existing political arrangements and installed rogue monarchic regimes in their place. And on this one fundamental point at least, modern observers of archaic turannides seem to have little quarrel with their ancient informants. To this day, it remains axiomatic that Cypselus, Peisistratus, and the rest were autocrats who gained power by usurpation. Whatever their individual accomplishments, they were still, in a word, "tyrants." Relying (...)
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  • (1 other version)Gender, Class and Ideology: The Social Function of Virgin Sacrifice in Euripides' Children of Herakles.David Kawalko Roselli - 2007 - Classical Antiquity 26 (1):81-169.
    This paper explores how gender can operate as a disguise for class in an examination of the self-sacrifice of the Maiden in Euripides' Children of Herakles. In Part I, I discuss the role of human sacrifice in terms of its radical potential to transform society and the role of class struggle in Athens. In Part II, I argue that the representation of women was intimately connected with the social and political life of the polis. In a discussion of iconography, the (...)
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  • Hagesias as Sunoikistêr.Margaret Foster - 2013 - Classical Antiquity 32 (2):283-321.
    In positioning his laudandus Hagesias as the co-founder of Syracuse, Pindar considers the larger ideological implications of including a seer in a colonial foundation. The poet begins Olympian 6 by praising Hagesias as an athletic victor, seer, and sunoikistêr and therefore as a figure of enormous ritual power. This portrayal, however, introduces an element of competition into Hagesias' relationship with his patron Hieron, the founder of Aitna. In response, the ode's subsequent mythic portions circumscribe Hagesias' status so as to mitigate (...)
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  • Sages at the Games: Intellectual Displays and Dissemination of Wisdom in Ancient Greece.Håkan Tell - 2007 - Classical Antiquity 26 (2):249-275.
    This paper explores the role the Panhellenic centers played in facilitating the circulation of wisdom in ancient Greece. It argues that there are substantial thematic overlaps among practitioners of wisdom , who are typically understood as belonging to different categories . By focusing on the presence of σοφοί at the Panhellenic centers in general, and Delphi in particular, we can acquire a more accurate picture of the particular expertise they possessed, and of the range of meanings the Greeks attributed to (...)
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  • Women, Property, and Surveillance in Classical Athens.Steven Johnstone - 2003 - Classical Antiquity 22 (2):247-274.
    While it is sometimes thought that free Athenian women were hemmed in by surveillance within the oikos, this article argues that the obstacle that impeded them when they attempted to control property was that they were excluded from the impersonal and formal systems of surveillance of male citizens. Athenian public life, lived in the view of others, dramatically extended the agency of those within it. While women could compensate for their legal incapacities by cultivating the personal trust of men, this (...)
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  • Tragic money.Richard Seaford - 1998 - Journal of Hellenic Studies 118:119-139.
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  • Symbolic Action in the Homeric Hymns: The Theme of Recognition.John F. García - 2002 - Classical Antiquity 21 (1):5-39.
    The Homeric Hymns are commonly taken to be religious poems in some general sense but they are often said to contrast with cult hymns in that the latter have a definite ritual function, whereas "literary" hymns do not. This paper argues that despite the difficulty in establishing a precise occasion of performance for the Homeric Hymns, we are nevertheless in a position to identify their ritual function: by intoning a Hymn of this kind, the singer achieves the presence of a (...)
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  • Democratic Ideology and The Poetics of Rape in Menandrian Comedy.Susan Lape - 2001 - Classical Antiquity 20 (1):79-119.
    Many of Menander's comedies are structured according to a rape plot pattern in which a young Athenian citizen usually rapes and impregnates a female citizen prior to the opening of the play. In most cases, the rape leads to a happy ending: the marriage of the rapist and victim. This casual treatment of rape is striking because in all other respects Menander's plays are not only scrupulously faithful to Athenian law, they also use Athenian legal and social norms as their (...)
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  • The Athenian Treasury at Delphi and the Material of Politics.Richard Neer - 2004 - Classical Antiquity 23 (1):63-93.
    This study makes a pair with the author's “Framing the Gift: The Politics of the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi,” Classical Antiquity 20 : 273–336. Like that essay, it argues that the function of a treasury is to provide a civic frame for ostentatious dedications by wealthy citizens: in effect, to “nationalize” votives. In this sense, the Athenian Treasury is a material trace, or fossil, of city politics in the 480s. The article tracks this function through the monument's iconography; its use (...)
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  • The eros of Alcibiades.Victoria Wohl - 1999 - Classical Antiquity 18 (2):349-385.
    Alcibiades is one of the most explicitly sexualized figures in fifth-century Athens, a "lover of the people" whom the demos "love and hate and long to possess" (Ar. Frogs 1425). But his eros fits ill with the normative sexuality of the democratic citizen as we usually imagine it. Simultaneously lover and beloved, effeminate and womanizer, Alcibiades is essentially paranomos, lawless or perverse. This paper explores the relation between Alcibiades' paranomia and the norms of Athenian sexuality, and argues that his eros (...)
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  • The Authority of Telemachus.A. Gottesman - 2014 - Classical Antiquity 33 (1):31-60.
    The role of Telemachus in the Odyssey is a perennial puzzle. This paper argues that Telemachus must reconstruct authority in Ithaca in order to present the death of the suitors as a lawful execution rather than as an extra-legal murder. This is part of the Odyssey's strategy to exonerate Odysseus from any possible blame. The job falls to Telemachus because in the Odyssey authority is premised on personal relationships, and the suitors simply do not know Odysseus. The construction of authority (...)
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  • From Ponêêros to Pharmakos: Theater, Social Drama, and Revolution in Athens, 428-404 BCE.David Rosenbloom - 2002 - Classical Antiquity 21 (2):283-346.
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  • Framing the Gift: The Politics of the Siphnian Treasury at Delphi.Richard T. Neer - 2001 - Classical Antiquity 20 (2):273-344.
    Thêsauroi, or treasure-houses, are small, temple-like structures, found typically in the sanctuaries of Delphi and Olympia. They were built by Greek city-states to house the dedications of their citizens. But a thêsauros is not just a storeroom: it is also a frame for costly votives, a way of diverting elite display in the interest of the city. When placed on view in a treasure-house, the individual dedication is re-contextualized: although it still reflects well on its dedicant, it also glorifies the (...)
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  • Sporting Practices, Institutions, and Virtues: A Critique and a Restatement.Mike McNamee - 1995 - Journal of the Philosophy of Sport 22 (1):61-82.
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  • Könige, Poleis und Athleten in hellenistischer Zeit.Christian Mann - 2018 - Klio 100 (2):447-479.
    Zusammenfassung Bei der Erforschung der politischen Kommunikation in der hellenistischen Welt haben die sportlichen Wettkämpfe bislang nicht die gebührende Aufmerksamkeit erfahren. Hier setzt der Aufsatz an, der aufzuzeigen versucht, wie Könige und Poleis die Agonistik als Kommunikationsraum nutzten, um Sieghaftigkeit zu demonstrieren, Loyalität zu bekunden und Status zu verhandeln. Konkret werden drei Phänomene in den Blick genommen: die Teilnahme der Könige an den Pferde- und Wagenrennen, die Partizipation der Könige am agonistischen Ruhm anderer und die Konstituierung und Ausrichtung von Agonen (...)
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  • Poetry, Praise, and Patronage: Simonides in Book 4 of Horace's "Odes".Alessandro Barchiesi - 1996 - Classical Antiquity 15 (1):5-47.
    The paper aims at reconstructing the influence of Simonides on a contiguous series of Horatian poems . The starting point is provided by the discovery of new Simonidean fragments published by Peter Parsons and by Martin West in 1992. But the research casts a wider net, including the influence of Theocritus on Horace-and of Simonides on Theoocritus-and the simultaneous and competing presence of Pindar and Simonides in late Horatian lyric. The influence of Simonides is seen in specific textual pointers-e.g., a (...)
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  • Solon's "Theôria" and the End of the City.James Ker - 2000 - Classical Antiquity 19 (2):304-329.
    How are we to understand Solon's departure from Athens "for the sake of theôria" immediately after the introduction of his laws ? Previous accounts have taken theôria to mean "sightseeing," but the goal of Solon's departure-to avoid explaining or changing the laws-is guaranteed by certain religious features of theôria: the theôros plays the role of civic guardian and must not add to or subtract from an oracle he conveys to the city, and during the theôria the city itself must remain (...)
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  • The Pindaric First Person in Flux.B. G. F. Currie - 2013 - Classical Antiquity 32 (2):243-282.
    This article argues that in Pindar's epinicians first-person statements may occasionally be made in the persona of the chorus and the athletic victor. The speaking persona behind Pindar's first-person statements varies quite widely: from generic, rhetorical poses—a laudator, an aoidos in the rhapsodic tradition (the “bardic first person”), an Everyman (the “first person indefinite”)—to strongly individualized figures: the Theban poet Pindar, the chorus, the victor. The arguable changes in the speaker's persona are not explicitly signalled in the text. This can (...)
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  • Power, Prestige, and the Corcyrean Affair in Thucydides 1.Gregory Crane - 1992 - Classical Antiquity 11 (1):1-27.
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