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  1. The meaning of ‘populism’.Axel Mueller - 2019 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (9-10):1025-1057.
    This essay presents a novel approach to specifying the meaning of the concept of populism, on the political position it occupies and on the nature of populism. Employing analytic techniques of concept clarification and recent analytic ideology critique, it develops populism as a political kind in three steps. First, it descriptively specifies the stereotype of populist platforms as identified in extant research and thereby delimits the peculiar political position populism occupies in representative democracies as neither inclusionary nor fascist. Second, it (...)
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  • Indiscriminate mass surveillance and the public sphere.Titus Stahl - 2016 - Ethics and Information Technology 18 (1):33-39.
    Recent disclosures suggest that many governments apply indiscriminate mass surveillance technologies that allow them to capture and store a massive amount of communications data belonging to citizens and non-citizens alike. This article argues that traditional liberal critiques of government surveillance that center on an individual right to privacy cannot completely capture the harm that is caused by such surveillance because they ignore its distinctive political dimension. As a complement to standard liberal approaches to privacy, the article develops a critique of (...)
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  • The social and the political in Luhmann.Joohyung Kim - 2015 - Contemporary Political Theory 14 (4):355-376.
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  • (1 other version)Mundo da Vida, Ethos Democrático e Mundialização: A Democracia Deliberativa segundo Habermas.de Oliveira Nythamar - 2008 - Dois Pontos 5 (2):233-254.
    O artigo procura mostrar em que sentido a democracia deliberativa proposta pela teoria discursiva de Jürgen Habermas dá conta do problema dos reducionismos econômicos e juridificantes da mundialização ou globalização, entendida como uma colonização técnico-sistêmica do mundo da vida. Recorrendo a sua concepção de um ethos democrático transnacional embasado na soberania popular, a teoria habermasiana logra resgatar o caráter normativo da mundialização através da irredutibilidade de valores humanos como a liberdade, a dignidade e os direitos humanos, inerentes às mais diferentes (...)
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  • Political Civility: Another Idealistic Illusion.Christopher F. Zurn - 2013 - Public Affairs Quarterly 27 (4).
    This paper argues that political civility is actually an illusionistic ideal and that, as such, realism counsels that we acknowledge both its promise and peril. Political civility is, I will argue, a tension-filled ideal. We have good normative reasons to strive for and encourage more civil political interactions, as they model our acknowledgement of others as equal citizens and facilitate high-quality democratic problem-solving. But we must simultaneously be attuned to civility’s limitations, its possible pernicious side-effects, and its potential for strategic (...)
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  • (1 other version)Habermas, lifelong learning and citizenship education.Ruth Deakin Crick & Clarence W. Joldersma - 2006 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 26 (2):77-95.
    Citizenship and its education is again gaining importance in many countries. This paper uses England as its primary example to develop a Habermasian perspective on this issue. The statutory requirements for citizenship education in England imply that significant attention be given to the moral and social development of the learner over time, to the active engagement of the learner in community and to the knowledge skills and understanding necessary for political action. This paper sets out a theoretical framework that offers (...)
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  • Personal identity in multicultural constitutional democracies.H. P. P. Lotter - 1998 - South African Journal of Philosophy 17 (3):179-198.
    Awareness of, and respect for differences of gender, race, religion, language, and culture have liberated many oppressed groups from the hegemony of white, Western males. However, respect for previously denigrated collective identities should not be allowed to confine individuals to identities constructed around one main component used for political mobilisation, or to identities that depend on a priority of properties that are not optional, like race, gender, and language. In this article I want to sketch an approach for accommodating different (...)
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  • Niklas Luhmann's systems theoretical redescription of the inclusion/exclusion debate.Antoon Braeckman - 2006 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 32 (1):65-88.
    Relying on Niklas Luhmann's systems theoretical redescription of modern society, this article aims at questioning the basic theoretical notions of the ongoing inclusion/exclusion debate. The most remarkable aspect of Luhmann's reassessment of the inclusion/exclusion relationship within functionally differentiated societies is that individuals are basically situated within the exclusion domain of society, and thus cannot but partially be included within society's function systems and organizations. This reassessment not only allows Luhmann to raise fundamental questions with respect to the implicit norm of (...)
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  • Recognition, redistribution, and democracy: Dilemmas of Honneth's critical social theory.Christopher F. Zurn - 2005 - European Journal of Philosophy 13 (1):89–126.
    What does social justice require in contemporary societies? What are the requirements of social democracy? Who and where are the individuals and groups that can carry forward agendas for progressive social transformation? What are we to make of the so-called new social movements of the last thirty years? Is identity politics compatible with egalitarianism? Can cultural misrecognition and economic maldistribution be fought simultaneously? What of the heritage of Western Marxism is alive and dead? And how is current critical social theory (...)
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  • An interview with Andrew Arato: Critically revisiting civil society, constituent power and constitutional democracy in populist times.Giorgio Fazio, Paul Blokker, Manuel Anselmi & Giuseppe Allegri - 2022 - European Journal of Social Theory 25 (2):330-340.
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  • Democracy after Deliberation: Bridging the Constitutional Economics/Deliberative Democracy Divide.Shane Ralston - 2007 - Dissertation, University of Ottawa
    This dissertation addresses a debate about the proper relationship between democratic theory and institutions. The debate has been waged between two rival approaches: on the one side is an aggregative and economic theory of democracy, known as constitutional economics, and on the other side is deliberative democracy. The two sides endorse starkly different positions on the issue of what makes a democracy legitimate and stable within an institutional setting. Constitutional economists model political agents in the same way that neoclassical economists (...)
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  • Social inclusion, a challenge for deliberative democracy? Some reflections on Habermas’s political theory.Isabelle Aubert - 2021 - European Journal of Social Theory 24 (4):448-466.
    This article explains how the issue of inclusion is central to Habermas’s theory of democracy and how it is deeply rooted in his conception of a political public sphere. After recalling Habermas’s views on the public sphere, I present and discuss various objections raised by other critical theorists: Oskar Negt and Alexander Kluge, Nancy Fraser, Axel Honneth and Iris Marion Young. These criticisms insist on the paradoxically excluding effects of a conception of democracy that promotes civic participation in the public (...)
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  • Hollow parties and their movement-ization: The populist conundrum.Jean L. Cohen - 2019 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (9-10):1084-1105.
    This article focuses on the relationship between social movements and political parties in the context of populist challenges to constitutional democracy. There are many reasons for the current plight of democracy but I focus here on one aspect: the decline of mainstream political parties, the emergence of new forms of populist movement parties and the general crisis of political representation in long consolidated Western democracies. This article analyses the specific political logic and dynamics of social movements – the logic of (...)
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  • The temporalization of critique and the open riddle of history.Rodrigo Cordero - 2016 - Thesis Eleven 137 (1):55-71.
    The main goal of this paper is to offer a reading of Reinhart Koselleck’s work as an ally of critical theory. My contention is that, despite customary accusations of Koselleck being an anti-Enlightenment historian detrimental to social criticism and emancipatory politics, his investigations on the semantic fabric of modern society may actually expand our resources for the critique of domination. In order to make this argument plausible, I reconstruct some antinomies that are at the basis of Koselleck’s work (state/society, language/reality, (...)
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  • The lack of cohesion as the crucial problem for post-socialist societies.Hans Von Zon - 1994 - AI and Society 8 (2):151-163.
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  • Thinking the 'Social' with Claude Lefort.Brian C. J. Singer - 2006 - Thesis Eleven 87 (1):83-95.
    This article examines Claude Lefort's writings in order to think about the ‘social’, understood as separate from the political, and in its separation, as a strictly modern ‘phenomenon’. Prior to the modern democratic revolution, the collective order was presented through the representation of power, itself identified with both law and knowledge, and referred to a transcendent source. At a first moment, the modern democratic revolution, under the sign of the general will, renders power immanent. At a second moment, it separates (...)
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  • Our element: Flesh and democracy in Merleau-Ponty.Martín Plot - 2012 - Continental Philosophy Review 45 (2):235-259.
    Although Merleau-Ponty’s early phenomenology of perception and his essays on art, politics, and language already showed an affinity between the aesthetic phenomena of expression and style and the political and cultural dynamics of society at large, this paper specifically focuses on his late theorizing of the notion of flesh and its relevance to his late understanding of politics and democracy. The emergence of flesh as a concept was contemporary to Merleau-Ponty’s break with Marxism as a philosophical model and with revolutionary (...)
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  • Associationalism for 150 years and still alive and kicking: Some reflections on Danish civil society.Lars Bo Kaspersen & Laila Ottesen - 2001 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (1):105-130.
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  • Positive Law and Systemic Legitimacy: A Comment on Hart and Habermas.Eric W. Orts - 1993 - Ratio Juris 6 (3):245-278.
    The author revisits H. L. A. Hart's theory of positive law and argues for a major qualification to the thesis of the separation of law and morality based on a concept of systemic legitimacy derived from the social theory of Jurgen Habermas. He argues that standards for assessing the degree of systemic legitimacy in modern legal systems can develop through reflective exercise of “critical legality,” a concept coined to parallel Hart's “critical morality,” and an expanded understanding of the “external” and (...)
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  • Civil society without a state? Transnational civil society and the challenge of democracy in a globalizing world.Philip Oxhorn - 2007 - World Futures 63 (5 & 6):324 – 339.
    A concept of civil society that stresses civil society's role in working with the state to achieve more inclusive, democratic polities provides the context for examining the implications for transnational civil society. In particular, the author examines how this perspective emphasizes the importance of the paradox that civil society cannot be understood independently of a relationship to a state. After explaining the nature of this paradox, the author discusses the various ways this paradox affects the potential for transnational civil society (...)
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  • Pragmatist democracy and the populist challenge.Felix Petersen - 2022 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 48 (10):1427-1444.
    This article intervenes in the debate on populism and democratic reform. Assuming that neither progressive populist counter-projects nor reforms broadening participation or deepening deliberation provide an immediate and realistic solution to the problematic political condition, the article engages with John Dewey’s work and presents a democratic praxis focused on problem solving as the most promising remedy to the populist challenge. The analysis shows that Dewey conceptualizes human action as inherently focused on problem solving, which allows him to think democracy as (...)
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  • Philosophy of education in a new key: Publicness, social justice, and education; a South-North conversation.Marek Tesar, Michael A. Peters, Robert Hattam, Leah O’Toole, Lester-Irabinna Rigney, Kathryn Paige, Suzanne O’Keeffe, Hannah Soong, Carl Anders Säfström, Jenni Carter, Alison Wrench, Deirdre Forde, Sam Osborne, Lotar Rasiński, Hana Cervinkova, Kathleen Heugh & Gert Biesta - 2022 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 54 (8):1216-1233.
    Public education is not just a way to organise and fund education. It is also the expression of a particular ideal about education and of a particular way to conceive of the relationship between education and society. The ideal of public education sees education as an important dimension of the common good and as an important institution in securing the common good. The common good is never what individuals or particular groups want or desire, but always reaches beyond such particular (...)
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  • (Re)defining women’s interests? Political struggles over women’s collective representation in the context of the European Parliament.Lise Rolandsen Agustín - 2012 - European Journal of Women's Studies 19 (1):23-40.
    The Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality of the European Parliament is one of the key actors within the European Union institutional framework for gender equality policies. In the context of this Committee, women’s interests are continuously being defined by discursive and deliberative processes. Civil society actors are being included into these processes of policy-making through institutional funding and public hearings. Through the inclusion of particular organizations and the selection of experts for hearings, existing meanings are being reproduced and/or (...)
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  • 1989, Democracy, and Social Theory: A Return to Normality?Paul Blokker - 2009 - European Journal of Social Theory 12 (3):307-320.
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  • Pragmatism, Bourdieu, and collective emotions in contentious politics.Mustafa Emirbayer & Chad Alan Goldberg - 2005 - Theory and Society 34 (5):469-518.
    We aim to show how collective emotions can be incorporated into the study of episodes of political contention. In a critical vein, we systematically explore the weaknesses in extant models of collective action, showing what has been lost through a neglect or faulty conceptualization of collective emotional configurations. We structure this discussion in terms of a review of several “pernicious postulates” in the literature, assumptions that have been held, we argue, by classical social-movement theorists and by social-structural and cultural critics (...)
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  • Democratic Justice as Intersubjective Freedoms.Craig Browne - 2010 - Thesis Eleven 101 (1):53-62.
    According to Maria Markus, the development of a particularly open and interested moral-psychological disposition towards the other is critical to the endeavour of subjects to realize the decent society. Drawing on the work of George Herbert Mead, it will be argued that such a sense of decency involves not just a normative commitment to reciprocity but a reflexive appreciation of the significance of the other to the formation of the self. Meads sketches of intersubjective freedoms are shown to provide a (...)
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  • Incommunicative Action: An Esoteric Warning About Deliberative Democracy.Geoffrey M. Vaughan - 2010 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 22 (2):293-309.
    Deliberative democracy is a noble project: an attempt to make citizens philosophize. Critics of deliberative democracy usually claim either that the proposed deliberation threatens an existing moral consensus or, instead, that deliberation is impossible amid power imbalances that oppress the weak. But another problem is that combining democracy and deliberation is inherently an attempt to engage publicly in a private activity—where sensitivity to each interlocutor may require a special form of address. Can this be done? Yes, in some contexts. The (...)
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  • Deliberative democracy, the public sphere and the internet.Antje Gimmler - 2001 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 27 (4):21-39.
    The internet could be an efficient political instrument if it were seen as part of a democracy where free and open discourse within a vital public sphere plays a decisive role. The model of deliberative democracy, as developed by Jürgen Habermas and Seyla Benhabib, serves this concept of democracy best. The paper explores first the model of deliberative democracy as a ‘two-track model’ in which representative democracy is backed by the public sphere and a developing civil society. Secondly, it outlines (...)
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  • The political philosophy of intersubjectivity and the logic of discourse.Pyung-Joong Yoon - 2001 - Human Studies 24 (1-2):57-68.
    This paper is concerned with the competing and complimentary relationships between intersubjectivity and discursive logic. It contends that the ultimate failure of Husserlian phenomenology is a testament to the dilemma of subjectivist philosophy. Indeed, political philosophy requires a paradigm-shift from subjectivity to intersubjectivity. With this in mind, this paper examines the classical encounter between morality and ethical life in connection with discursive ethics. While it argues that Habermas still retains a strong residue of subjectivist philosophy, it attempts to clarify the (...)
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  • Neighborhood democracy and chicana/o cultural citizenship in Armando réndon's chicano manifesto.José-Antonio Orosco - 2007 - Ethics, Place and Environment 10 (2):121 – 139.
    In 1971, Chicano activist Armando Réndon began to chart new directions for Chicana/o politics that move away from a narrow emphasis on cultural and ethnic nationalism. He argues that urban Chicana/o neighborhoods ought develop community-based organizations to provide support services for residents and to advocate local concerns to elected officials. In the first part of this essay, I reconstruct Réndon's concept of a 'barrio union' as an example of participatory democracy. I situate his concept of neighborhood democracy within Mexican American (...)
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  • Body, Gender, and Knowledge in Protest Movements: The Israeli Case.Tamar Rapoport & Orna Sasson-Levy - 2003 - Gender and Society 17 (3):379-403.
    The authors suggest that social movements research should recognize more the potential of the protesting body as an agent of social and political change. This contention is based on studying the relations among the body, gender, and knowledge in social protest by comparing two Israeli-Jewish leftist protest movements, a woman-only movement and a mixed-gender one, which protested against the Israeli Occupation in the early 1990s. The comparison reveals reversed patterns of body/knowledge relations, each connoting a different meaning and outcome of (...)
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  • Citizens, consumers and the citizen-consumer: articulating the citizen interest in media and communications regulation.Laura Miller, Peter Lunt & Sonia Livingstone - 2007 - Discourse and Communication 1 (1):63-89.
    The Office of Communications, established by an Act of Parliament in 2003, is a new sector wide regulator in the UK, required to further the interests of what has been termed the ‘citizen-consumer’. Using a critical discursive approach, this article charts the unfolding debate among stakeholders in the new regulatory environment as they attempt to define the interests of citizens, consumers and the citizen-consumer. Ofcom has preferred to align the terms ‘citizen’ and ‘consumer’ so that the interests of both may (...)
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  • Populism and the Politics of Resentment.Jean L. Cohen - 2019 - Jus Cogens 1 (1):5-39.
    This article argues that understanding the dangers and risks of authoritarian populism in consolidated constitutional democracies requires analysis of the forms of pluralism and status anxieties that emerge in civil and economic society, in a context of profound political, socioeconomic, and cultural change. This paper has two basic theses. The first is that when societies become deeply divided, and segmental pluralism maps onto affective party political polarization, generalized social solidarity is imperiled, as is commitment to democratic norms, social justice, and (...)
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  • Divergent trajectories of democratic deepening: comparing Brazil, India, and South Africa.Patrick Heller - 2019 - Theory and Society 48 (3):351-382.
    This article argues that democratic deepening is shaped by shifting civil society-state relations that can only be understood by disaggregating democratic deepening into its component parts of participation, representation, and stateness. This frame is used to explore the divergent democratic trajectories of Brazil, India, and South Africa. Through the examples of local government transformation and social movement mobilization, I argue that a “project” civil society in Brazil has deepened democracy and transformed the state. In contrast, in South Africa and India (...)
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  • Understanding the Forms of Government in Today’s Liberal and Democratic Societies: An Introduction. [REVIEW]Dominique Pestre - 2009 - Minerva 47 (3):243-260.
    What I consider in this paper are various forms of government, various technologies and discursive regimes of government that are in common use today. What interests me are the categories and tools, practical dispositifs and languages that developed over the last decades ‘to constitute, define, organize, and instrumentalize the strategies that individuals, acting freely, may use to deal with one another’ (Foucault). The paper considers first the neo-liberal wish to reassert the individual as alone in responsibility for his/her own life (...)
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  • Tribal sovereignty and the intercultural public sphere.Michael Rabinder James - 1999 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 25 (5):57-86.
    While theorists of cultural pluralism have generally supported tribal sovereignty to protect threatened Native cultures, they fail to address adequately cultural conflicts between Native and non-Native communities, especially when tribal sovereignty facilitates illiberal or undemocratic practices. In response, I draw on Jürgen Habermas' conceptions of dis-course and the public sphere to develop a universalist approach to cultural pluralism, called the 'intercultural public sphere', which analyzes how cultures can engage in mutual learning and mutual criticism under fair conditions. This framework accommodates (...)
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  • Habermas, modernity and law: A bibliography.Mathieu Deflem - 1994 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 20 (4):151-166.
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  • Constituent power and civil disobedience: Beyond the nation-state?William E. Scheuerman - 2018 - Journal of International Political Theory 15 (1):49-66.
    Radical democratic political theorists have used the concept of constituent power to sketch ambitious models of radical democracy, while many legal scholars deploy it to make sense of the political and legal dynamics of constitutional politics. Its growing popularity notwithstanding, I argue that the concept tends to impede a proper interpretation of civil disobedience, conceived as nonviolent, politically motivated lawbreaking evincing basic respect for law. Contemporary theorists who employ it cannot distinguish between civil disobedience and other related, yet ultimately different, (...)
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  • On the Meaning of Volunteering: A Study of Worldviews in Everyday Life.Johan von Essen - 2016 - Foundations of Science 21 (2):315-333.
    This article is intended to contribute to the discussion on the meaning of volunteering by investigating voluntary work from the viewpoint of volunteers active in Swedish civil society organizations.Meaning refers both to the cognitive meaning of concepts and to the perceived meaning in life. The aim to uncover the predicates that people attribute to the concept is an attempt to anatomize volunteering as a social construct. Five predicates emerged and they make up the phenomenological structure of volunteering. By contextualizing this (...)
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  • Democratic theory and democratization in contemporary Brazil and beyond1.José Maurício Domingues - 2013 - Thesis Eleven 114 (1):15-33.
    Universalism and particularism have become poles of modern social thought and lead to distinct definitions of democracy, citizenship, and social policy. Challenging Habermas and the Habermasians, this article argues that democracy can never be identified with domination. Meanwhile, contesting Chatterjee and Foucault, the author reaffirms citizenship and law in their various forms in relation to both bounded and unbounded serialities as the basis for democracy, beyond and despite governmentality. Latin America, and especially Brazil, with processes that check state domination and (...)
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  • Transforming everyday life: Islamism and social movement theory. [REVIEW]Cihan Tuğal - 2009 - Theory and Society 38 (5):423-458.
    The Islamist movement in Turkey bases its mobilization strategy on transforming everyday practices. Public challenges against the state do not form a central part of its repertoire. New Social Movement theory provides some tools for analyzing such an unconventional strategic choice. However, as Islamist mobilization also seeks to reshape the state in the long run, New Social Movement theory (with its focus on culture and society and its relative neglect of the state) needs to be complemented by more institutional analyses. (...)
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  • Habermas's Search for the Public Sphere.Pauline Johnson - 2001 - European Journal of Social Theory 4 (2):215-236.
    Given powerful globalizing processes under way, the topic of how to conceptualize the modern public sphere is becoming increasingly urgent. Amidst the array of alternatives, the efforts of Jürgen Habermas to attempt to balance out the two main conceptual requirements of this idea, a universalistic construction of the principle of shared interests and a sensitivity to the fact of modern pluralism, might seem a particularly promising option. In order to reconstruct the main motivations of, and to determine a set of (...)
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  • Introducing Deliberative Democracy: A Goal, a Tool, or Just a Context? 1.Gabriel Bianchi - 2008 - Human Affairs 18 (1):100-106.
    Introducing Deliberative Democracy: A Goal, a Tool, or Just a Context?1 The concept of deliberative democracy is presented within a wide spectrum of variety of its operationalizations. Since the applicability of the principle of deliberation to the functioning of human society is of the author's primary interest, dilemmas of deliberative democracy related to different problems associated with deliberation in practice are described in some detail. The key questions raised aiming at elucidating the "ontology" of deliberativeness are as follows: is it (...)
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  • Modernization and Juridification in Latin America: A Reassessment of the Latin American Developmental Path.Enrique Peruzzotti - 1999 - Thesis Eleven 58 (1):59-82.
    What is the distinctive trait of the Latin American pattern of modernization? In contrast to western societies, where the debate on modernization has been dominated by the Weberian thematic of bureaucratiz-ation, the most salient feature of the Latin American developmental path is the chronic frailty of legal-constitutional arrangements. In Latin America, the process of modernization and social differentiation has not been followed by the legal stabilization of social complexity but is characterized by a low degree of juridification and institutional precariousness. (...)
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  • Fact, friction, and political conviction in science policy controversies.Gordon R. Mitchell & Marcus Paroske - 2000 - Social Epistemology 14 (2-3):89-107.
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  • Hegel’s political philosophy and the social imaginary of early Russian realism.Ilya Kliger - 2013 - Studies in East European Thought 65 (3-4):189-199.
    This article considers aspects of the social imaginary underlying early Russian realist thought and narrative by exploring two canonical novels from the 1840s, Ivan Gončarov’s Obyknovennaja istorija and Aleksandr Gercen’s Kto vinovat?, in light of Vissarion Belinskij’s activist reception of Hegel’s political philosophy. The Russian texts are read symptomatically against their western counterparts as illustrating the intriguing transformations that dominant European models of narrative and sociality undergo as they migrate to Russia.
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  • Towards Decent Society: the Demands of Justice and the Demands of Civility.Claudia Tazreiter - 2010 - Thesis Eleven 101 (1):97-105.
    This essay outlines an argument for fostering the conditions for civil society to emerge in conflict or post-conflict situations. Only where a ‘civil’ society and ‘decent’ society exist together can democratic engagement flourish in the long term. The essay explores the possibilities for decency in social and political conduct where conflict and rupture have been the norm. In establishing decency in social relations and in institutions, trust must be generated where distrust has prevailed as a result of the recent past (...)
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  • Transcendental collectivism and participatory politics in democratized Korea.Sungmoon Kim - 2008 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (1):57-77.
    This essay sheds new light on Korean democracy after democratization. It examines how the notion of ‘transcendental collectivism’, associated with familial bonds and the concept of chŏng, led to an emphasis on citizen‐empowerment. This participatory perspective replaced the militant elite‐led activism of the transitional period, which was underpinned by a Confucian ‘transcendental individualism’ predicated on the concept of ren. The argument is based on a detailed case study of a recent episode of citizen action. The article shows how the search (...)
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  • Habermas and the public sphere: Rethinking a key theoretical concept.Patrick O’Mahony - 2021 - European Journal of Social Theory 24 (4):485-506.
    The challenge of realizing the democratic power of publics through public sphere remains acute but not hopeless. While claiming that Habermas communicative social theory offers a way forward in spite of a productive but constraining turn towards a modified social liberal frame, nonetheless three limitations of the theory are identified. The first bears on the insufficiency of the sociological evolutionist description of society relevant to the public sphere drawn from classical sociological accounts of differentiation and integration. The second identifies learning (...)
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  • Social Theory from a Sartrean Point of View: Alain Touraine's Theory of Modernity.Wolfgang Knöbl - 1999 - European Journal of Social Theory 2 (4):403-427.
    From the beginning of his career Alain Touraine tried to develop a heterodox sociological terminology which promised to open up new ways of thinking about the dynamics of modern societies. This article tries to bring to light some of the Sartrean roots of Touraine's early theoretical tools and to reconstruct his intellectual development through the 1970s and 1980s when he formulated his ideas on the emergence of social movements within post-industrial society. It will be argued that Touraine's major works of (...)
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