As political crises and social unrest proliferate worldwide, the appeal of populism grows steadily in various fora, including academic fora. In this respect, an abundance of scholarly publications has sought, through the study of populism, to unravel important aspects of contemporary political and social dynamics. Discourse theory scholars, in particular, have played an important role in pushing the boundaries of populism studies forward. They have challenged objectivist perspectives in the sciences by foregrounding the role of meaning-making and by treating populism (...) as a discursive logic that better characterises the political articulation of social reality. In situating its analytical focus at the frontier of populism studies, this paper-based dissertation contributes to this literature from both an empirical and a theoretical point of view. Through the four papers which make up this thesis, I contribute to discourse theory by presenting three main lines of analysis in the study of populism in Brazil, a case that is frequently referenced but which remains under-explored. Firstly, by exploring Brazil’s fourth republican period, this thesis shows how populism is best understood as both a concept and a signifier, revealing the way the dynamic interplay of populism discourses shape our sense of social reality. Secondly, by studying a leading magazine with an upmarket readership in Brazil, I explore the affective force running through anti-populist discursive articulations, affirming the value of the category of fantasy from an empirical and analytical point of view. Thirdly, by focusing on the collective candidacy of the Bancada Ativista in the Sao Paulo State elections, I explore the potential of the concept of populism, conceived as a logic, to shed light on aspects of political life beyond populist phenomena. Finally, in recognising a gap in the literature in relation to the constitutive role of desire in social meaning-making processes, the fourth paper constructs, through the psychoanalytic category of hysteria, an approach to knowledge production informed by desire, which constitutes the main theoretical contribution to the discourse theory tradition. By paying close attention to Brazilian politics, this thesis explores some of the distinctive virtues of a discourse theoretical approach to populism by drawing out the normative, ideological, and politico-strategic implications of complex political dynamics and social meaning-making processes within and beyond the study of populist phenomena. (shrink)

Problem setting. Latin America and the Caribbean traditionally referred to as a large and ambiguous region in an out-side territorial scientific environment. A whole stratum of problems of identities, peculiarities of self-awareness, civilization affiliations of messianic ’appointments ’ in the history of the region and the world, the development of ways of cultural and historical development corresponding to them, the affirmation of the tendencies of state formation is in a scientific researcher focus. Among the many aspects that conceptualize the demandfor (...) research in the region and its implementation, we would like to highlight the following: 1) Latin America and the Caribbean are, to some extent, «a territory of historically significant validation of modern trends» in their speculative lengthening, the field ofdeveloping new ones political and economic novations, including regarding various projections of the correlation of socio-political practices, institutional design and legal technologies, derived from the understanding of nature and the purpose of law. 2) The region ’provides ’ a wide range of heterogeneous materials for analytical work, both concatenate-linear in nature, and combining poly-meaningful multidimensionality, multifaceted coexistence of values generated by contemporary media, the glare of meanings, signs, intentions of conscious transformations, random «breakthroughs» of network travel followers. In the discovery literature thatfollows only the analysis of statistical indicators, it is often noted that Latin America and the Caribbean is a region of polarization. 3) Considering the full amount of opportunities and perspectives available, Latin America in general, in some associative formulation, is clearly «boxing at levels below its weight and its impact on international canvases», that is, there are some reasons for internal and external character that significantly reduce the region’s role in the world, affecting accents of processes of political, legal and economic worsen the work «for the common good», underestimate «the bar of tasks and results» do not meet the expectations of the significance of the region. Recent research and publications analysis. The paper uses an interdisciplinary approach involving the research of representatives of various sciences. Concerning the approach to certain aspects of the constitutional process in the countries of Latin America and the Carribien was used the researches of Ukrainian authors Yu. M. Todyka, V. P. Kolisnyk, Yu. G. Barabash, M. P. Orzikh, T. M. Slinko, A. G. Kushnirenko, pertaining to in relation to consideration ofpeculiarities ofdevelopment andfunctioning of the model of the presidential state was launched analytical andfunctionality materials I. V. Protsiuk. On the conceptualization within the political science tradition in connection with the problems of the political regimes, their development in the conditions of conflict of the present, in the face of threats and challenges of a multifaceted nature are included the materials of methodological and theoretical importance M. P. Trebin, I. O. Polishchuk, D. Denisenko, G. M. Kutz, O. A. Fisun, M. A. Polovyi and, in the context of regional- geopolitical dimensions, V. Yu. Karasev. Among the foreign authors on the subject area of the study, we note the conceptual vision of the combination ofeconomic cycles and political and legal processes of the present Daniela Campello, the development of the author of the theory of «path dependence effect» by J. Mahoney and researchers of modifications of the development of neo-patrimonialism in Latin America and Karsten Bachle. Focused on the trends and innovations of the constitutional process in the countries of the region are the scientific orientations of Rogelio Nu'nez and P. I. Kostogryzov. A broad analytical and research base on the transformation of political regimes in Latina America and the Caribbean and the peculiarities ofpolitical processes in individual countries are provided by the works of B. Geddes, G. O’Donnell, L. Diamond, D. Ziblatta, S. Levitsky, Z. V. Ivanovsky, T. A. Vorotnikova, P. P. Yakovlev, D. V. Morozov, and others. Paper objective. The purpose of this work is to find out the broad contexts of the relationship between economic and political and legal processes in Latin America and the Carribien countries with attention to the peculiarities of the rule of law formation. The tasks are to analyze a set of approaches to finding the causes of the difficulties of socio-political and institutional-legal development in the region with the involvement of interdisciplinary scientific experience and to identify some essential features of meaning- forming and socio-constructing phenomena in the contextual contours. Paper main body. One of the options for designating the specificity of the current state of affairs is framed in the concept of the so-called «curse of volatility» - the dependence of local, mainly commodity and export-oriented with low internal economy savings from cycles, fluctuations of the world economy. This dependence is a definite structural factor and has been forming for a long time. Also, macroeconomic indicators within the framework of a certain political economy methodology in the projection for the sum ofpolitical and legal events allow us to see the spread of ideology, whether left or right, the rise of populism, the tendency for further democratization of the way of life or vice versa from democracy, the relative calm of the political process or the turbulence ofpolitical events are, after all, tied to basic economic indicators, and often more or less relevant to us and corresponding to figures about the level of safety of life. The trajectory of development was laid down by some decisions at a time of critical juncture when privatization created the basis of the local economy as a structural part of the world capitalist system with its dynamics of development that facilitated the formatting and reproduction of the reactive sequences caused by different types of liberal reforms. Conclusions of the research. The particular attention in Latin America and the Caribbean countries on the expectations and responsibilities of building the future is focused on the development of Constitutional law as a leading sphere in the system of national law. Hence the numerous constitutional changes in the countries of the region, the constitutional reforms of different grades, which are intensively continued today. The lifestyle liberalization, resolving key property issues, attempts at democratization in Latin America and the Carribien countries took place in different ways, but after the foundations ofpublic law that were borrowed in outline in the USA. Between enshrined key provisions in the Constitutions and the coexistence of essentially diverse mass consciousnesses and aspirations on different ’floors’ of the society, has raised multi-dimensional discord, that is emerging from the institutionalization of the liberal-democratic model of the state, generated in the context of understanding freedom as a key concept. Therefore the aspect ofan all-public agreement on coexistence rules does not appear to be fully realized, which gives rise to a search for a constitutional character. The focus remains on the relationship between multiple interests and ideas about the common good, by means of the formation of the general will in the structure and practice of constitutional-democratic regimes. It is inextricably linked to the transformation of the concepts of representation and citizenship. Democratic legitimation is correlated with ideas about the rule of the masses, the will of the majority in the living creation of the norms of life, and with the accompanying active and continuous participation in the political process of large groups, sectors of the population. The constitutional creativity of the countries of the region shows the element of an assertion of messianism, the designation of the special role of the country, its leader, ideology, the Constitution in the processes of historical implementation at the level of regional or the world. This moment of national pride for the country and its contribution to the cultural and civilizational space of history is realized in experimental projects of various expressions. (shrink)

Kako bi odgovorili na ovo pitanje, moramo pojasniti na što se odnosi. Moramo doznati može li se »globalizacija« semantički dovesti u vezu s ideologijom. Ideologija označava cjelokupnost naših osobnih stavova, ideja i nazora temeljenih na znanju, iskustvu i osjećajima kojima percipiramo i interpretiramo svijet, naš položaj u njemu i cijelo društvo. Ako gledamo iz prosvjetiteljske perspektive, ideologiju smatramo vrstom predrasude koja dominira razumom. Zašto je ovo važno u kontekstu globalizacije? Općenito govoreći, globalizacijom se smatra proces stalnog međunarodnog povezivanja i napretka (...) u gotovo svim područjima života kao što su npr. ekonomija, politika, kultura i komunikacija. Ovaj pogled uključuje implicitno iskustvo promjene koja zahvaća ne samo naš okoliš, društvo i njegove institucije nego i nacionalne države i njihove građane. Okoliš i njegovi resursi su preduvjet za globalizaciju. Zbog procesa konstantne liberalizacije tržišta resursi se mijenjaju i, konačno, uništavaju. U članku ćemo razmotriti imaju li političke mjere moć vršenja kontrole nad ovim dijalektičkim mehanizmom. (shrink)

This article seeks to reflect on some theoretical and practical issues raised at the Conference “Common Foreign and Security Policy of European Union. Middle East and Iran,” organized by Allameh Tabataba’i University, with the support of the Erasmus+ Programme of the European Union. The conference took place in Tehran, Iran, on 21 December 2020. The paper looks into aspects of the conceptual platforms for EastWest cooperation, global and regional integration projects, and is intended as an appeal for intensifying pluralistic joint (...) academic research, culturally and politically unbiased, to theoretically generalize, compare and make available to a wider public the experience of the EU and other institutionalized regional communities, in order to foresee the possible and most viable forms of coordination of strategic policies within the developing regionalization processes. The main proposed methods of academic research are typologization, comparative and contrasting analysis, extrapolation. (shrink)

L’une des nombreuses définitions de la mondialisation la présente comme une dynamique ayant répandu à travers le monde entier les structures sociales modernes telles que le capitalisme, la bureaucratie, la haute technologie ou encore la philosophie du rationalisme et du libéralisme. En effet, dans ce sens, le libéralisme a en général prévalu en tant que cadre politique dominant dans la mondialisation actuelle. La plupart des gouvernements ont promu des politiques néolibérales à l’égard de la mondialisation, tandis que des organismes multilatéraux (...) influents n’ont cessé d’associer la mondialisation à la libéralisation. Les partisans de la mondialisation ont également proliféré dans les cercles commerciaux, notamment sur les marchés financiers, et su multiplient parmi les dirigeants d’entreprises transfrontalières. Les associations d’entrepreneurs et les mass-médias tournés vers la finance représentent de même des bastions du néolibéralisme qu’ils considèrent globalement comme une autorité en ce qui concerne la politique de la mondialisation. Autrement dit, les idées néolibérales sont depuis quelque temps acceptées comme une vérité absolue dictée par le « bon sens ». Le texte élabore la thèse suivante : le néolibéralisme – une sorte de théorie philosophique, politique et économique, appelée libertarianisme, qui s’est imposée dans la mondialisation contemporaine en tant qu’approche dominante – ne coïncide pas avec l’idéal de la société bien ordonnée de la démocratie libérale qui découle des idées, des aspects et des dimensions de la philosophie libérale diamétralement opposés. La philosophie sociale du libéralisme, développée dans l’oeuvre de Kant, Hayek, Dworkin et Rawls, considère la conception de la démocratie libérale moderne, fondée sur le règne de la loi, la protection des droits de l’homme et des droits civiques ainsi que sur les idées d’égalité, de justice et d’équité. Dans ce sens, les programmes de « discrimination positive » des couches sociales les plus basses sont en parfait accord avec cette philosophie libérale qui protège les droits individuels. Partant de là, la mondialisation économique et culturelle devrait faire l’objet d’une analyse conceptuelle claire avec pour impératif normatif la mondialisation de la responsabilité dont l’objectif serait de protéger l’avenir mondial de l’humanité. Une sorte de contrôle démocratique et de règne du droit sont tout aussi nécessaires dans notre monde globalisé. Le devoir central de la politique mondiale – à savoir de stopper le chaos global qui menace d’être une conséquence inévitable d’une mondialisation non contrôlée – implique, entre autres, un ordre légal international avec une sorte de gouvernance démocratique mondiale. Cependant, une question décisive, à laquelle il est difficile de répondre, se pose à propos de la construction démocratique mondiale : comment bâtir une politique de gouvernance mondiale dans notre monde divisé ? (shrink)

This article is devoted to the significant at all times and sounding anew in every epoch problem of the role of an individual (also a Hero, Great Man) in history, including such an aspect as the role of an individual in the process of state formation and progress. It is argued that in the age of globalization, when the humankind has found itself at the new developmental turning point, in the epoch when the influence of various individuals could affect dramatically (...) the further development of the whole world, there is an urgent necessity to return to the analysis of this issue. In the first part of this article the history of views on this problem from the antiquity to contemporary counterfactual history is considered. In the second part the author aims at presenting the complex of factors affecting the role of individuals as a conceptual system. He suggests that depending on various conditions and circumstances and with the account of specific features of historical place and time and personal characteristics, the historical role of an individual may fluctuate from the absolutely invisible up to the greatest one. A conclusion is made that the weaker and less stable is a society, the more destroyed are the old structures, the greater may be the personality's impact. In other words, the role of an individual is inversely correlated with society's stability and strength. The paper presents the model which includes four society’s state phases: 1) stable society of the monarchic type; 2) social pre-revolutionary crisis; 3) revolution; 4) creation of a new order. It is shown that a personality's greatest influence is observed at the third and fourth stages while at the first stage the influence is usually considerably weaker. (shrink)