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  1. Hannah Arendt and International Relations.Shinkyu Lee - 2021 - In Nukhet Sandal (ed.), Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies. Oxford University Press. pp. 1-30.
    International relations (IR) scholars have increasingly integrated Hannah Arendt into their works. Her fierce critique of the conventional ideas of politics driven by rulership, enforcement, and violence has a particular resonance for theorists seeking to critically revisit the basic assumptions of IR scholarship. Arendt’s thinking, however, contains complexity and nuance that need careful treatment when extended beyond domestic politics. In particular, Arendt’s vision of free politics—characterized by the dualistic emphasis on agonistic action and institutional stability—raises two crucial issues that need (...)
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  • The Concept of the Kurdish Political.Jason Dockstader & Rojîn Mûkrîyan - 2020 - Journal of International Political Theory 17 (3):512-530.
    Recently, some have read Turkish political developments from the perspective of Carl Schmitt’s political theory. This paper aims to modify aspects of these readings and offer in response a Schmitti...
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  • Of Rebels and Disobedients: Reflections on Arendt, Race, Lawbreaking.Ayça Çubukçu - 2020 - Law and Critique 32 (1):33-50.
    Hannah Arendt valued the unprecedented, the unexpected, and the new, yet in essays crafted at the end of the rebellious 1960s, struggled to square this valuation with a palpable desire for law and order. She lamented that criminality had overtaken American life, accused the police of not arresting enough criminals, and charged ‘the Negro community’ with standing behind what she named black violence. At once, she praised ‘the white rebels’ of the student movement in the United States for their courageous (...)
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  • The Real Promise of Federalism: A Case Study of Arendt’s International Thought.Shinkyu Lee - 2022 - European Journal of Political Theory 21 (3):539-560.
    For Hannah Arendt, the federal system is an effective mode of organizing different sources of power while avoiding sovereign politics. This article aims to contribute two specific claims to the burgeoning scholarship on Arendt's international federalism. First, Arendt's international thoughts call for balancing two demands: the domestic need for human greatness and flourishing and the international demand for regulation and cooperation. Second, her reflections on council-based federalism offer a nuanced position that views the dual elements of equality in politics (intra-state (...)
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  • From ‘fugitive democracy’ to ‘fugitive justice’: Cultivating a democratic ethos.Caleb J. Basnett - 2021 - Contemporary Political Theory 20 (1):119-140.
    Sheldon S. Wolin’s ‘fugitive democracy’ is arguably his most provocative contribution to political theory. Breaking with the understanding of democracy as a constitutional form whose origins he locates in the work of Aristotle, Wolin claims democracy is better understood not as a constitution, but as a ‘rebellious moment,’ making democracy dependent on cultural rather than institutional characteristics. This formulation poses a problem for democracy as a political phenomenon, as political power today tends to be concentrated within institutions. Without institutional expression, (...)
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  • Origin stories: Wonder woman and sovereign exceptionalism.Elizabeth Barringer - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (3):430-452.
    This article approaches the recent Wonder Woman film as a presentation of the tensions traditionally associated with the paradox of democratic foundations. Steeped in classical mythology, Wonder Woman adapts two origin myths from the Athenian polis: the myth of Pandora and the myth of the heroic colonizing demigod. Through its adaptation of these myths I argue that Wonder Woman offers two competing responses to the democratic paradox of founding. One is exceptionalist, where sovereign interventions by extraordinary ‘super-agents’ like Wonder Woman (...)
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  • Confucian democracy as popular sovereignty.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2019 - Asian Philosophy 29 (3):201-220.
    ABSTRACTIs Confucian democracy philosophically justifiable? In recent decades, prominent Confucian theorists have answered this question in the negative, arguing that the political system that is c...
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  • The Authority of Telemachus.A. Gottesman - 2014 - Classical Antiquity 33 (1):31-60.
    The role of Telemachus in the Odyssey is a perennial puzzle. This paper argues that Telemachus must reconstruct authority in Ithaca in order to present the death of the suitors as a lawful execution rather than as an extra-legal murder. This is part of the Odyssey's strategy to exonerate Odysseus from any possible blame. The job falls to Telemachus because in the Odyssey authority is premised on personal relationships, and the suitors simply do not know Odysseus. The construction of authority (...)
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  • Revolution as restoration or foundation? Frantz Fanon’s politics of world building.Cody Trojan - 2016 - Contemporary Political Theory 15 (4):399-416.
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  • The catholic origins of totalitarianism theory in interwar europe.James Chappel - 2011 - Modern Intellectual History 8 (3):561-590.
    Totalitarianism theory was one of the ratifying principles of the Cold War, and remains an important component of contemporary political discourse. Its origins, however, are little understood. Although widely seen as a secular product of anticommunist socialism, it was originally a theological notion, rooted in the political theory of Catholic personalism. Specifically, totalitarianism theory was forged by Catholic intellectuals in the mid-1930s, responding to Carl Schmitt's turn to the in 1931. In this essay I explore the notion's formation and circulation (...)
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  • Carl Schmitt on the Secularisation of Religious Texts as a Resacralisation of Jurisprudence?Michael Salter - 2013 - International Journal for the Semiotics of Law - Revue Internationale de Sémiotique Juridique 26 (1):113-147.
    Carl Schmitt, an increasingly influential German law professor, developed a provocative and historically oriented model of “political theology” with specific relevance to legal scholarship and the authorship of constitutional texts. His “political theology” is best understood neither as an expressly theological discourse within constitutional law, nor as a uniquely legal discourse shaped by a hidden theological agenda. Instead, it addresses the possibility of the continual resurfacing of theological ideas and beliefs within legal discourses of, for instance, sovereignty, the force of (...)
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  • Charisma and Democracy: Max Weber on the Riddle of Political Change in Modern Societies.Pedro T. Magalhães - 2021 - Topoi 41 (1):69-78.
    The elite theory of Max Weber has recently been rediscovered by political scientists and political theorists who have sought to explore both the heuristic and the normative potential of plebiscitary leader democracy. Notwithstanding the merits of this wave of studies, this paper argues that attention should be shifted from Weber's context-specific defence of plebiscitary leadership in post-WWI Germany to his broader conception of charisma as an attempt to grasp the enigma of significant social and political change. Contemporary democratic theory, this (...)
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  • Carl Schmitt, amigo de Weimar. Notas en torno a la Verfassungslehre como teoría y doctrina de la constitución.Tomás Wieczorek - 2022 - Isonomía. Revista de Teoría y Filosofía Del Derecho 56.
    El artículo aborda la Teoría de la Constitución de Carl Schmitt, atendiendo a su doble acepción de teoría general de la constitución moderna y cuerpo de doctrina acerca de la constitución de Weimar. El primer apartado presenta la sistemática de la teoría positiva de la constitución moderna, reponiendo sus dos elementos estructurantes: la forma política resultante de la aplicación de los principios político-formales de identidad y representación, y las formas de legislación y gobierno propias del Estado de derecho burgués. La (...)
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  • Creolizing political theory in conversation.Lewis R. Gordon, Anne Norton, Sharon Stanley, Fred Lee, Thomas Meagher & Jane Anna Gordon - 2018 - Contemporary Political Theory 17 (3):363-392.
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  • The Concept of Sovereignty in Contemporary Continental Political Philosophy.Verena Erlenbusch - 2012 - Philosophy Compass 7 (6):365-375.
    The concept of sovereignty is one of the central concepts of modern political philosophy. However, faced with processes of economic globalization as well as legal and political universalism, contemporary political theory struggles to account for the exercise of state power in terms of the traditional understanding of sovereignty. This survey article reviews the most influential conceptualizations of sovereignty in contemporary continental political philosophy. These include Schmitt’s defense of sovereignty and Agamben’s rejection of sovereign politics as well as a number of (...)
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  • The Sine Qua Non of Carl Schmitt’s political thinking: The issue of interstate relations.Can Mert Kökerer - 2020 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 47 (10):1137-1153.
    This article demonstrates the pre-eminent place the issue of interstate relations occupies in Carl Schmitt’s political thinking between the early 1920s and early 1940s. First, I discuss how Schmitt...
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  • The Aporias of the Vicious Circle in A Political Beginning: Reflections on H. Arendt’s Thoughts on the Foundation of a Polity.Zhang Yan & Gao Song - 2018 - Problemos 94:122.
    [full article, abstract in English; abstract in Lithuanian] Modern revolution as the beginning of founding a new political order has to confront the vicious circle inhered in all beginnings: in so far as it is the beginning, where does its principle come from? Or, if there is no principle, how could the beginning establish one? Set in the context of modern political experience, the aporia is equal to the problem of how modern politics to be self-grounded or how to reestablish (...)
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  • Constituent power and civil disobedience: Beyond the nation-state?William E. Scheuerman - 2018 - Journal of International Political Theory 15 (1):49-66.
    Radical democratic political theorists have used the concept of constituent power to sketch ambitious models of radical democracy, while many legal scholars deploy it to make sense of the political and legal dynamics of constitutional politics. Its growing popularity notwithstanding, I argue that the concept tends to impede a proper interpretation of civil disobedience, conceived as nonviolent, politically motivated lawbreaking evincing basic respect for law. Contemporary theorists who employ it cannot distinguish between civil disobedience and other related, yet ultimately different, (...)
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  • Supranational constitutional politics and the method of rational reconstruction.Markus Patberg - 2014 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 40 (6):501-521.
    In The Crisis of the European Union Jürgen Habermas claims that the constituent power in the EU is shared between the community of EU citizens and the political communities of the member states. By his own account, Habermas arrives at this concept of a dual constituent subject through a rational reconstruction of the genesis of the European constitution. This explanation, however, is not particularly illuminating since it is controversial what the term ‘rational reconstruction’ stands for. This article critically discusses the (...)
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  • The Method of Antinomies: Oakeshott and Others.Stephen Turner - 2018 - Cosmos and Taxis 6 (1-2):54-63.
    Michael Oakeshott employed a device of argument and analysis that appears in a number of other thinkers, where it is given the name “antinomies.” These differ from binary oppositions or contradictories in that the two poles are bound together. In this discussion, the nature of this binding is explored in detail, in large part in relation to Oakeshott’s own usages, such as his discussion of the relation of faith and skepticism, between collective goal-oriented associations and those based on contract, and (...)
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  • Political ontology, constituent power, and representation.Miguel Vatter - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (6):679-686.
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  • The Problem of Political Foundations in Carl Schmitt and Emmanuel Levinas.Gavin Rae - 2016 - New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
    In this book, Gavin Rae analyses the foundations of political life by undertaking a critical comparative analysis of the political theologies of Carl Schmitt and Emmanuel Levinas. In so doing, Rae contributes to key debates in contemporary political philosophy, specifically those relating to the nature of, and the relationship between, the theological, the political, and the ethical, as well as those questioning the existence of ahistoric metaphysical, ontological, and epistemological foundations. While the theological is often associated with belief in a (...)
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  • Carl Schmitt.Lars Vinx - 2010 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  • Kairós and Clinamen: Revolutionary Politics and the Common Good.Alessandra Asteriti - 2013 - Law and Critique 24 (3):277-294.
    This article sets out to offer a new reconceptualisation of the common good as the mechanism providing the temporal coordinates for revolutionary politics. The first section investigates the pairing of commonality and goodness, revealing its nature as a synthesis of apparently irreconcilable opposites. The second section examines how this irreconcilability is overcome, advancing the argument that to heal the divide, a double movement of definition and concealment is necessary, whereby the process of definition of what constitutes the common good is (...)
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  • Carl Schmitt in China.Q. Zheng - 2012 - Telos: Critical Theory of the Contemporary 2012 (160):29-52.
    The interest in Carl Schmitt's political theory among Chinese scholars can be demonstrated by the publication of Schmitt's many works in Chinese,1 as well as the publication of much secondary literature about him since the beginning of the twenty-first century. The introduction of Schmitt's political theory in China has provoked a huge controversy about the significance of his theory to China. No other political philosopher whose theory has been introduced into China has caused as much controversy as Schmitt.2This essay will (...)
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  • Legality, Legitimacy, and Democratic Constitution Making: A. Arato, Post Sovereign Constitution Making: Learning and Legitimacy. OUP, 2016; A. Arato, The Adventures of the Constituent Power: Beyond Revolutions? CUP, 2017; J. Colón-Ríos, Weak Constitutionalism: Democratic Legitimacy and the Question of the Constituent Power. Routledge, 2012.Nicolás Figueroa García-Herreros - 2019 - Jus Cogens 1 (1):97-109.
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  • Luc Boltanski and democratic theory.Paul Blokker - 2014 - Thesis Eleven 124 (1):53-70.
    In Luc Boltanski’s On Critique, various dimensions of democracy as a political regime and form of society are evident, but never explicitly conceptualized. There is, however, something to be gained by making the democratic dimension in Boltanski’s work more explicit: the normative and political standpoints become clearer, but also the real-life possibilities for and significance of critique in contemporary times. The paper will first discuss the (latent) democratic theory in On Critique by focusing on the differentiation between reality and the (...)
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  • (1 other version)Steward of the Dying Voice: The Intrusion of Horatio into Sovereignty and Representation.Timothy Wong - 2010 - Telos: Critical Theory of the Contemporary 2010 (153):113-131.
    ExcerptHoratio is rarely thought of as a sovereign character in Hamlet. In fact, some Shakespearean commentators regard Horatio as a “nobody” or a “non-entity,” a poorly developed figure whose role in the play could have been replaced by other, more significant characters.1 However, reading Hamlet with Carl Schmitt's Hamlet or Hecuba allows Horatio to emerge as a pivotal figure inextricably bound to issues of sovereignty, succession, and representation. Contrary to many interpretations of Hamlet, which hastily designate Prince Fortinbras as the (...)
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  • (1 other version)Agonistic democracy: Constituent power in the era of globalisation.Markus Patberg - 2015 - Contemporary Political Theory 14 (1):e8.
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  • Democratic opening and closure: Struggles of (de)legitimation in the settler colony.Michael Elliott - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (1):83-104.
    A crucial imperative for decolonial praxis in the liberal settler colony is to radically delegitimise the prevailing social order. This is regarded as necessary to achieving genuinely decolonial forms of social transformation rather than merely the ongoing modification of colonial rule. I propose here, however, that such objectives depend not simply on delegitimising the colonial regime as such, but also on finding ways to expose and challenge its resources of legitimating power, that is, the capacity to shape and reshape perceptions (...)
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  • Uma república para os modernos. Arendt, a secularização e o republicanismo.Helton Adverse - 2012 - Filosofia Unisinos 13 (1).
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  • Not Everyone Can Tell the Truth. Foucault, Parresia and Populism.Sebastian Barros - 2017 - Las Torres de Lucca. International Journal of Political Philosophy 6 (11):251-282.
    En general, el populismo es entendido como una forma de la política caracterizada por la aparición de grupos que hasta ese momento no parecían tener una participación decisiva en el sistema político y que son incorporados a la política partiendo a la vida comunitaria en dos polos antagónicos: el pueblo y las elites poderosas. Este artículo plantea la necesidad de dar algún tipo de especificidad a esta definición general ya que termina operando como una categoría que es utilizada para catalogar (...)
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