The concept of linguistic infinity has had a central role to play in foundational debates within theoretical linguistics since its more formal inception in the mid-twentieth century. The conceptualist tradition, marshalled in by Chomsky and others, holds that infinity is a core explanandum and a link to the formal sciences. Realism/Platonism takes this further to argue that linguistics is in fact a formal science with an abstract ontology. In this paper, I argue that a central misconstrual of formal apparatus of (...) recursive operations such as the set-theoretic operation merge has led to a mathematisation of the object of inquiry, producing a strong analogy with discrete mathematics and especially arithmetic. The main product of this error has been the assumption that natural, like some formal, languages are discretely infinite. I will offer an alternative means of capturing the insights and observations related to this posit in terms of scientific modelling. My chief aim will be to draw from the larger philosophy of science literature in order to offer a position of grammars as models compatible with various foundational interpretations of linguistics while being informed by contemporary ideas on scientific modelling for the natural and social sciences. (shrink)

This paper argues for the idea that in describing language we should follow Haskell Curry in distinguishing between the structure of an expression and its appearance or manifestation . It is explained how making this distinction obviates the need for directed types in type-theoretic grammars and a simple grammatical formalism is sketched in which representations at all levels are lambda terms. The lambda term representing the abstract structure of an expression is homomorphically translated to a lambda term representing its manifestation, (...) but also to a lambda term representing its semantics. (shrink)

This book sets out the foundations, methodology, and practice of a formal framework for the description of language. The approach embraces the trends of lexicalism and compositional semantics in computational linguistics, and theoretical linguistics more broadly, by developing categorial grammar into a powerful and extendable logic of signs. Taking Montague Grammar as its point of departure, the book explains how integration of methods from philosophy (logical semantics), computer science (type theory), linguistics (categorial grammar) and meta-mathematics (mathematical logic ) provides a (...) categorial foundation with coverage including intensionality, quantification, featural polymorphism, domains and constraints. For the first time, the book systematises categorial thinking into a unified program which is at once both logically secured, and a practical tool for pure lexical grammar development with type-theoretic semantics. It should be of interest to all those active in computational linguistics and formal grammar and is suitable for use at advanced undergraduate, postgraduate, and research levels. (shrink)

If all dependent expressions were adjacent some variety of immediate constituent analysis would suffice for grammar, but syntactic and semantic mismatches are characteristic of natural language; indeed this is a, or the, central problem in grammar. Logical categorial grammar reduces grammar to logic: an expression is well-formed if and only if an associated sequent is a theorem of a categorial logic. The paradigmatic categorial logic is the Lambek calculus, but being a logic of concatenation the Lambek calculus can only capture (...) discontinuous dependencies when they are peripheral. In this paper we present the displacement calculus, which is a logic of intercalation as well as concatenation and which subsumes the Lambek calculus. On the empirical side, we apply the new calculus to discontinuous idioms, quantification, VP ellipsis, medial extraction, pied-piping, appositive relativisation, parentheticals, gapping, comparative subdeletion, cross-serial dependencies, reflexivization, anaphora, dative alternation, and particle shift. On the technical side, we prove that the calculus enjoys Cut-elimination. (shrink)

\ is a 7000 line Prolog parser/theorem-prover for logical categorial grammar. In such logical categorial grammar syntax is universal and grammar is reduced to logic: an expression is grammatical if and only if an associated logical statement is a theorem of a fixed calculus. Since the syntactic component is invariant, being the logic of the calculus, logical categorial grammar is purely lexicalist and a particular language model is defined by just a lexical dictionary. The foundational logic of continuity was established (...) by Lambek while a corresponding extension including also logic of discontinuity was established by Morrill and Valentín :167–192, 2010). \ implements a logic including as primitive connectives the continuous and discontinuous connectives of the displacement calculus, additives, 1st order quantifiers, normal modalities, bracket modalities, and universal and existential subexponentials. In this paper we review the rules of inference for these primitive connectives and their linguistic applications, and we survey the principles of Andreoli’s focusing, and of a generalisation of van Benthem’s count-invariance, on the basis of which \ is implemented. (shrink)

Many variants of categorial grammar assume an underlying logic which is associative and linear. In relation to left extraction, the former property is challenged by island domains, which involve nonassociativity, and the latter property is challenged by parasitic gaps, which involve nonlinearity. We present a version of type logical grammar including ‘structural inhibition’ for nonassociativity and ‘structural facilitation’ for nonlinearity and we give an account of relativisation including islands and parasitic gaps and their interaction.

Discontinuity refers to the character of many natural language constructions wherein signs differ markedly in their prosodic and semantic forms. As such it presents interesting demands on monostratal computational formalisms which aspire to descriptive adequacy. Pied piping, in particular, is argued by Pollard (1988) to motivate phrase structure-style feature percolation. In the context of categorial grammar, Bach (1981, 1984), Moortgat (1988, 1990, 1991) and others have sought to provide categorial operators suited to discontinuity. These attempts encounter certain difficulties with respect (...) to model theory and/or proof theory, difficulties which the current proposals are intended to resolve.Lambek calculus is complete for interpretation byresiduation with respect to the adjunction operation of groupoid algebras (Buszkowski 1986). In Moortgat and Morrill (1991) it is shown how to give calculi for families of categorial operators, each defined by residuation with respect to an operation of prosodic adjunction (associative, non-associative, or with interactive axioms). The present paper treats discontinuity in this way, by residuation with respect to three adjunctions: + (associative), (.,.) (split-point marking), andW (wrapping) related by the equations 1+s 2+s 3=(s 1,s 3)Ws 2. We show how the resulting methods apply to discontinuous functors, quantifier scope and quantifier scope ambiguity, pied piping, and subject and object antecedent reflexivisation. (shrink)

The Lambek-Grishin calculus is a symmetric version of categorial grammar obtained by augmenting the standard inventory of type-forming operations (product and residual left and right division) with a dual family: coproduct, left and right difference. Interaction between these two families is provided by distributivity laws. These distributivity laws have pleasant invariance properties: stability of interpretations for the Curry-Howard derivational semantics, and structure-preservation at the syntactic end. The move to symmetry thus offers novel ways of reconciling the demands of natural language (...) form and meaning. (shrink)

We present a novel way of using proof nets for the multimodal Lambek calculus, which provides a general treatment of both the unary and binary connectives. We also introduce a correctness criterion which is valid for a large class of structural rules and prove basic soundness, completeness and cut elimination results. Finally, we will present a correctness criterion for the original Lambek calculus Las an instance of our general correctness criterion.

In this paper we compare grammatical inference in the context of simple and of mixed Lambek systems. Simple Lambek systems are obtained by taking the logic of residuation for a family of multiplicative connectives /,,\, together with a package of structural postulates characterizing the resource management properties of the connective.Different choices for Associativity and Commutativity yield the familiar logics NL, L, NLP, LP. Semantically, a simple Lambek system is a unimodal logic: the connectives get a Kripke style interpretation in terms (...) of a single ternary accessibility relation modeling the notion of linguistic composition for each individual system.The simple systems earch have their virtues in linguistic analysis. But none of them in isolation provides a basis for a full theory of grammar. In the second part of the paper, we consider two types of mixed Lambek systems. (shrink)

This paper explores proof-theoretic aspects of hybrid type-logical grammars, a logic combining Lambek grammars with lambda grammars. We prove some basic properties of the calculus, such as normalisation and the subformula property and also present both a sequent and a proof net calculus for hybrid type-logical grammars. In addition to clarifying the logical foundations of hybrid type-logical grammars, the current study opens the way to variants and extensions of the original system, including but not limited to a non-associative version and (...) a multimodal version incorporating structural rules and unary modes. (shrink)

In this paper we will discuss the first order multiplicative intuitionistic fragment of linear logic, MILL1, and its applications to linguistics. We give an embedding translation from formulas in the Lambek Calculus to formulas in MILL1 and show this translation is sound and complete. We then exploit the extra power of the first order fragment to give an account of a number of linguistic phenomena which have no satisfactory treatment in the Lambek Calculus.

We show that the equational theory of representable lower semilattice-ordered residuated semigroups is finitely based. We survey related results.

We show that the equational theory of representable lattice-ordered residuated semigroups is not finitely axiomatizable. We apply this result to the problem of completeness of substructural logics.

We look at lower semilattice-ordered residuated semigroups and, in particular, the representable ones, i.e., those that are isomorphic to algebras of binary relations. We will evaluate expressions in representable algebras and give finite axiomatizations for several notions of validity. These results will be applied in the context of substructural logics.

Modus ponens provides the central theme. There are laws, of the form A→C. A logic L collects such laws. Any datum A provides input to the laws of L. The central ternary relation R relates theories L,T and U, where U consists of all of the outputs C got by applying modus ponens to major premises from L and minor premises from T. Underlying this relation is a modus ponens product operation on theories L and T, whence RLTU iff LTU. (...) These ideas have been expressed, especially with Routley, as worlds semantics for relevant and other substructural logics.Worlds are best demythologized as theories, subject to truth-functional and other constraints. The chief constraint is that theories are taken as closed under logical entailment, which clearly begs the question if we are using the semantics to determine which theory L is Logic itself. Instead we draw the modal logicians’ conclusion—there are many substructural logics, each with its appropriate ternary relational postulates.Each logic L gives rise to a Calculus of L-theories, on which particular candidate logical axioms have the combinatorial properties expected from the well-known Curry–Howard isomorphism . We apply their bubbling lemma, updating the Fools Model of Combinatory Logic at the pure → level for the system BT. We make fusion an explicit connective, proving a combinator correspondence theorem. Having taken relevant → as a left residual for , we explore its right residual mate →r. Finally we concentrate on and prove a finite model property for the classical minimal relevant logic CB, a conservative extension of the minimal positive relevant logic B+. (shrink)

Linear logic, introduced by Girard, is a refinement of classical logic with a natural, intrinsic accounting of resources. This accounting is made possible by removing the ‘structural’ rules of contraction and weakening, adding a modal operator and adding finer versions of the propositional connectives. Linear logic has fundamental logical interest and applications to computer science, particularly to Petri nets, concurrency, storage allocation, garbage collection and the control structure of logic programs. In addition, there is a direct correspondence between polynomial-time computation (...) and proof normalization in a bounded form of linear logic. In this paper we show that unlike most other propositional logics, full propositional linear logic is undecidable. Further, we prove that without the modal storage operator, which indicates unboundedness of resources, the decision problem becomes PSPACE-complete. We also establish membership in NP for the multiplicative fragment, NP-completeness for the multiplicative fragment extended with unrestricted weakening, and undecidability for fragments of noncommutative propositional linear logic. (shrink)

Grammar can be formulated as a kind of substructural propositional logic. In support of this claim, we survey bare Gentzen style deductive systems and two kinds of non-commutative linear logic: intuitionistic and compact bilinear logic. We also glance at their categorical refinements.

We explore a computational algebraic approach to grammar via pregroups, that is, partially ordered monoids in which each element has both a left and a right adjoint. Grammatical judgements are formed with the help of calculations on types. These are elements of the free pregroup generated by a partially ordered set of basic types, which are assigned to words, here of English. We concentrate on the object pronoun who(m).

RésuméUn paradigme en vogue en informatique théorique exploite l'analogie entre les formules et les types et traite une deduction Al… An→ B comme une opération plurisortale. On propose ici d'étendre cette analogie aux déductions de la forme Al… An→, où la place à droite de la flèche est vide. D'un point de vue logique, une telle déduction constitue une réfutation de la conjonction desformules qui se trouvent à gauche de la flèche. On défend l'idée qu'ilfaut, selon ce paradigme étendu, interpréter (...) la flèche comme assignant à n'importe quelle séquence al… an, où aiest de type Ai, le type des valeurs de vérite correspondantes. Pour que cela fonctionne, cependant, il faut abandonner la règle structurale de l'affaiblissement à droite de la flèche. La négation de A est alors interprétée comme l'ensemble puissance de A et la complétude fonctionnelle habituelle s'identifie au schème de compréhension avec extensionnalitè. (shrink)

We consider language models for the Lambek calculus that allow empty antecedents and enrich them with constants for the empty language and for the language containing only the empty word. No complete calculi are known with respect to these semantics, and in this paper we consider several trivalent systems that arise as fragments of these models? logics.

Infinitary action logic can be naturally expanded by adding exponential and subexponential modalities from linear logic. In this article we shall develop infinitary action logic with a subexponential that allows multiplexing (instead of contraction). Both non-commutative and commutative versions of this logic will be considered, presented as infinitary sequent calculi. We shall prove cut admissibility for these calculi, and estimate the complexity of the corresponding derivability problems: in both cases it will turn out to be between complete first-order arithmetic and (...) the \(\omega ^\omega \) level of the hyperarithmetical hierarchy. Here the complexity upper bound is much lower than that for the system with a subexponential that allows contraction. The complexity lower bound in turn is much higher than that for infinitary action logic. (shrink)

This paper establishes a connection between structure sensitive categorial inference and classical modal logic. The embedding theorems for non-associative Lambek Calculus and the whole class of its weak Sahlqvist extensions demonstrate that various resource sensitive regimes can be modelled within the framework of unimodal temporal logic. On the semantic side, this requires decomposition of the ternary accessibility relation to provide its correlation with standard binary Kripke frames and models.

Categorial grammar is well-known for its elegant analysis of coordination enabled by the flexible notion of constituency it entertains. However, to date, no systematic study exists that examines whether this analysis has any obvious empirical advantage over alternative analyses of nonconstituent coordination available in phrase structure-based theories of syntax. This paper attempts precisely such a comparison. We compare the direct constituent coordination analysis of non-canonical coordinations in categorial grammar with an ellipsis-based analysis of the same phenomena in the recent HPSG (...) literature. We provide a set of empirical evidence, consisting of cases in which non-canonical coordinations interact with scopal operators of various sorts, which systematically falsifies the predictions of the latter, ‘linearization-based’ ellipsis approach to coordination. We propose an alternative analysis in a variant of categorial grammar called Hybrid Type-Logical Categorial Grammar. The proposed framework builds on both the Lambek-inspired variants of categorial grammar and a more recent line of work modelling word order via a lambda calculus for the prosodic component. The flexible syntax–semantics interface of this framework straightforwardly captures the interactions between non-canonical coordinations and scopal expressions, demonstrating the broader empirical payoff of the direct constituent coordination analysis of non-canonical coordinations pioneered by Steedman :523–568, 1985; Linguist Philos 13:207–263, 1990) and Dowty hitherto not explicitly recognized in the literature. (shrink)

We study the sequent system mentioned in the author's work as CyInFL with ‘intuitionistic’ sequents. We explore the connection between this system and symmetric constructive logic of Zaslavsky and develop an algebraic semantics for both of them. In contrast to the previous work, we prove the strong completeness theorem for CyInFL with ‘intuitionistic’ sequents and all of its basic variants, including variants with contraction. We also show how the defined classes of structures are related to cyclic involutive FL‐algebras and Nelson (...) FLew‐algebras. In particular, we prove the definitional equivalence of symmetric constructive FLewc‐algebras (algebraic models of symmetric constructive logic) and Nelson FLew‐algebras (algebras introduced by Spinks and Veroff, as the termwise equivalent definition of Nelson algebras). Because of the strong completeness theorem that covers all basic variants of CyInFL with ‘intuitionistic’ sequents, we rename this sequent system to symmetric constructive full Lambek calculus (). We verify the decidability of this system and its basic variants, as we did in the case of their distributive cousins. As a consequence we obtain that the corresponding theories of (distributive and nondistributive) symmetric constructive FL‐algebras are decidable. (shrink)

We present a labelled version of Lambek Calculus without unit, and we use it to prove a completeness theorem for Lambek Calculus with respect to some relational semantics.

Lecture notes from Husserl's logic lectures published during the last 20 years offer a much better insight into his doctrine of the forms of meaning than does the fourth Logical Investigation or any other work published during Husserl's lifetime. This paper provides a detailed reconstruction, based on all the sources now available, of Husserl's system of logical grammar. After having explained the notion of meaning that Husserl assumes in his later logic lectures as well as the notion of form of (...) meaning as it features in ‘doctrine of the forms of meaning’, I present a system of rules that describes all the various forms of meaning that Husserl singles out in his lectures. (shrink)

In this paper we concentrate mainly on the notion of β-pregroups, which are pregroups (first introduced by Lambek [18] in 1999) enriched with modality operators. β-pregroups were first proposed by Fadda [11] in 2001. The motivation to introduce them was to limit (locally) the associativity in the calculus considered. In this paper we present this new calculus in the form of a rewriting system, prove the very important feature of this system - that in a given derivation the non- expanding (...) rules must always proceed non-contracting ones in order the derivation to be minimal (normalization theorem). We also propose a sequent system for this calculus and prove the cut elimination theorem for it. As an illustration we show how to use β-pregroups for linguistical applications. (shrink)

Pregroups and pregroup grammars were introduced by Lambek in 1999 [14] as an algebraic tool for the syntactic analysis of natural lan-guages. The main focus in that paper was on certain extended pregroup grammars such as pregroups with modalities, product pregroup grammars and tupled pregroup grammars. Their applications to different syntactic structures of natural languages, mainly Polish, are explored/shown here.

Some formal properties of enriched systems of Lambek calculus with analogues of conjunction and disjunction are investigated. In particular, it is proved that the class of languages recognizable by the Lambek calculus with added intersective conjunction properly includes the class of finite intersections of context-free languages.

We give a proof-theoretic and algorithmic complexity analysis for systems introduced by Morrill to serve as the core of the CatLog categorial grammar parser. We consider two recent versions of Morrill’s calculi, and focus on their fragments including multiplicative connectives, additive conjunction and disjunction, brackets and bracket modalities, and the! subexponential modality. For both systems, we resolve issues connected with the cut rule and provide necessary modifications, after which we prove admissibility of cut. We also prove algorithmic undecidability for both (...) calculi, and show that categorial grammars based on them can generate arbitrary recursively enumerable languages. (shrink)

Every language recognized by the Lambek calculus with brackets is context-free. This is shown by combining an observation by Jäger with an entirely straightforward adaptation of the method Pentus used for the original Lambek calculus. The case of the variant of the calculus allowing sequents with empty antecedents is slightly more complicated, requiring a restricted use of the multiplicative unit.

It is proved that for any k, the class of classical categorial grammars that assign at most k types to each symbol in the alphabet is learnable, in the Gold (1967) sense of identification in the limit from positive data. The proof crucially relies on the fact that the concept known as finite elasticity in the inductive inference literature is preserved under the inverse image of a finite-valued relation. The learning algorithm presented here incorporates Buszkowski and Penn's (1990) algorithm for (...) determining categorial grammars from input consisting of functor-argument structures. (shrink)

A first-order temporal non-commutative logic TN[l], which has no structural rules and has some l-bounded linear-time temporal operators, is introduced as a Gentzen-type sequent calculus. The logic TN[l] allows us to provide not only time-dependent, resource-sensitive, ordered, but also hierarchical reasoning. Decidability, cut-elimination and completeness (w.r.t. phase semantics) theorems are shown for TN[l]. An advantage of TN[l] is its decidability, because the standard first-order linear-time temporal logic is undecidable. A correspondence theorem between TN[l] and a resource indexed non-commutative logic RN[l] (...) is also shown. This theorem is intended to state that “time” is regarded as a “resource”. (shrink)

We introduce structural rules mingle, and investigatetheorem-equivalence, cut- eliminability, decidability, interpolabilityand variable sharing property for sequent calculi having the mingle.These results include new cut-elimination results for the extendedlogics: FLm (full Lambek logic with the mingle), GLm(Girard's linear logic with the mingle) and Lm (Lambek calculuswith restricted mingle).

A first-order dynamic non-commutative logic, which has no structural rules and has some program operators, is introduced as a Gentzen-type sequent calculus. Decidability, cut-elimination and completeness theorems are shown for DN or its fragments. DN is intended to represent not only program-based, resource-sensitive, ordered, sequence-based, but also hierarchical reasoning.

The article presents proofs of the context freeness of a family of typelogical grammars, namely all grammars that are based on a uni- ormultimodal logic of pure residuation, possibly enriched with thestructural rules of Permutation and Expansion for binary modes.

This paper argues for the hypothesis of direct compositionality (as in, e.g., Montague 1974), according to which the combinatory syntactic rules specify a set of well-formed expressions while the semantic combinatory rules work in tandem to directly supply a model-theoretic interpretation to each expression as it is "built" in the syntax. (This thus obviates the need for any level like LF and, concomitantly, for any rules mapping surface structures to such a level.) I focus here on one related group of (...) phenomena: the interaction of "paycheck" pronouns with Weak Crossover effects and i-within-i effects. These interactions were studied in Jacobson (1977) as they show up in Back-Peters sentences. There I argued that these interactions show that paycheck pronouns have a complex representation at LF; here I show that all of the observations in this earlier work are compatible with the hypothesis of direct compositionality. The key tool is the adoption of a variation-free semantics (a semantics which makes no use of variables as part of the semantic machinery). In addition to the general consequences for the syntax/semantics interface, there are two other main results. First, I provide new arguments for a variable-free semantics. For example, it will be shown that under this view the paycheck reading of a pronoun comes for free; most other theories posit additional mechanisms and/or an additional lexical meaning for pronouns, and thus paycheck and regular pronouns are only accidentally homophonous. Second, I reiterate one of the central points in Jacobson (1977): this is that the first pronoun in a Bach-Peters sentence is indeed a paycheck pronoun, and hence nothing special needs to be said about these sentences nor does any new machinery need to be invoked for them. (shrink)

Geach’s rich paper ‘A Program for Syntax’ introduced many ideas into the arena of categorial grammar, not all of which have been given the attention they warrant in the thirty years since its first publication. Rather surprisingly, one of our findings (Section 3 below) is that the paper not only does not contain a statement of what has widely come to be known as “Geach’s Rule”, but in fact presents considerations which are inimical to the adoption of the rule in (...) question. With regard to at least some amongst the numerous other points extracted here from Geach’s discussion, we shall not be able to reach so definitive a conclusion, and content ourselves with giving the issues an airing. (shrink)

This is a good book. Its main message is that a particular approach to natural language called type-logical grammar can, in-principle, be equipped with a learning theory. In this review, I first identify what type-logical grammar is, then outline what the learning theory is. Then I try to articulate why this message is important for the logical, linguistic and information-theoretic parts of cognitive science. Overall, I think the book’s main message is significant enough to warrant patience with its scientific limitations.

The paper shows that contextuals, words such as those discussed by Richard Vallée in his paper, “On local bars and imported beer”, include not only adjectives and nouns but also verbs, prepositions and adverbs. It shows, moreover, contextuals form just one subclass of words whose complements are optional, that is, words analogous to polyadic predicates of predicate logic. Just as different words, when their complements are omitted, give rise to reflexive (to wash), reciprocal (to meet) and indefinite (to eat) construals, (...) so contextuals give rise to an indexical construal. The paper sets out how such optional complements, or polyadic predicates, as it were, can be handled completely with the syntax and semantics of English, without recourse to special pragmatic principles, lexical ambiguity or phonetically null elements. Though not discussed here, the approach nonetheless applies, it seems, to other languages, such as Chinese. (shrink)

Restall set forth a "consecution" calculus in his "An Introduction to Substructural Logics." This is a natural deduction type sequent calculus where the structural rules play an important role. This paper looks at different ways of extending Restall's calculus. It is shown that Restall's weak soundness and completeness result with regards to a Hilbert calculus can be extended to a strong one so as to encompass what Restall calls proofs from assumptions. It is also shown how to extend the calculus (...) so as to validate the metainferential rule of reasoning by cases, as well as certain theory-dependent rules. (shrink)