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Language, Lambdas, and Logic

In R. Oehrle & J. Kruijff (eds.), resource sensitivity, binding, and anaphora. kluwer. pp. 23--54 (2003)

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  1. From N to N: The anatomy of a construction. [REVIEW]Joost Zwarts - 2013 - Linguistics and Philosophy 36 (1):65-90.
    This paper develops a detailed and unified analysis of semantics of the from-N-to-N construction, based on a small number of ingredients, none of which are specific to this construction itself, but which are idiomatically packaged in this construction. Letting the construction uniformly apply to the product of the two nouns not only captures their strong relation, but it also obviates a role for a ‘reduplicative’ mechanism of some sort in this particular construction.
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  • Categorial Grammar and Lexical-Functional Grammar.Reinhard Muskens - 2001 - In Miriam Butt & Tracey Holloway King (eds.), Proceedings of the LFG01 Conference, University of Hong Kong. CSLI Publications. pp. 259-279.
    This paper introduces λ-grammar, a form of categorial grammar that has much in common with LFG. Like other forms of categorial grammar, λ-grammars are multi-dimensional and their components are combined in a strictly parallel fashion. Grammatical representations are combined with the help of linear combinators, closed pure λ-terms in which each abstractor binds exactly one variable. Mathematically this is equivalent to employing linear logic, in use in LFG for semantic composition, but the method seems more practicable.
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  • Separating syntax and combinatorics in categorial grammar.Reinhard Muskens - 2007 - Research on Language and Computation 5 (3):267-285.
    The ‘syntax’ and ‘combinatorics’ of my title are what Curry (1961) referred to as phenogrammatics and tectogrammatics respectively. Tectogrammatics is concerned with the abstract combinatorial structure of the grammar and directly informs semantics, while phenogrammatics deals with concrete operations on syntactic data structures such as trees or strings. In a series of previous papers (Muskens, 2001a; Muskens, 2001b; Muskens, 2003) I have argued for an architecture of the grammar in which finite sequences of lambda terms are the basic data structures, (...)
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  • Variable Handling and Compositionality: Comparing DRT and DTS.Yukiko Yana, Koji Mineshima & Daisuke Bekki - 2019 - Journal of Logic, Language and Information 28 (2):261-285.
    This paper provides a detailed comparison between discourse representation theory and dependent type semantics, two frameworks for discourse semantics. Although it is often stated that DRT and those frameworks based on dependent types are mutually exchangeable, we argue that they differ with respect to variable handling, more specifically, how substitution and other operations on variables are defined. This manifests itself in two recalcitrant problems posed for DRT; namely, the overwrite problem and the duplication problem. We will see that these problems (...)
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  • A Type-Driven Vector Semantics for Ellipsis with Anaphora Using Lambek Calculus with Limited Contraction.Gijs Wijnholds & Mehrnoosh Sadrzadeh - 2019 - Journal of Logic, Language and Information 28 (2):331-358.
    We develop a vector space semantics for verb phrase ellipsis with anaphora using type-driven compositional distributional semantics based on the Lambek calculus with limited contraction of Jäger. Distributional semantics has a lot to say about the statistical collocation based meanings of content words, but provides little guidance on how to treat function words. Formal semantics on the other hand, has powerful mechanisms for dealing with relative pronouns, coordinators, and the like. Type-driven compositional distributional semantics brings these two models together. We (...)
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  • Grammar logicised: relativisation.Glyn Morrill - 2017 - Linguistics and Philosophy 40 (2):119-163.
    Many variants of categorial grammar assume an underlying logic which is associative and linear. In relation to left extraction, the former property is challenged by island domains, which involve nonassociativity, and the latter property is challenged by parasitic gaps, which involve nonlinearity. We present a version of type logical grammar including ‘structural inhibition’ for nonassociativity and ‘structural facilitation’ for nonlinearity and we give an account of relativisation including islands and parasitic gaps and their interaction.
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  • New directions in type-theoretic grammars.Reinhard Muskens - 2010 - Journal of Logic, Language and Information 19 (2):129-136.
    This paper argues for the idea that in describing language we should follow Haskell Curry in distinguishing between the structure of an expression and its appearance or manifestation . It is explained how making this distinction obviates the need for directed types in type-theoretic grammars and a simple grammatical formalism is sketched in which representations at all levels are lambda terms. The lambda term representing the abstract structure of an expression is homomorphically translated to a lambda term representing its manifestation, (...)
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  • Second-order abstract categorial grammars as hyperedge replacement grammars.Makoto Kanazawa - 2010 - Journal of Logic, Language and Information 19 (2):137-161.
    Second-order abstract categorial grammars (de Groote in Association for computational linguistics, 39th annual meeting and 10th conference of the European chapter, proceedings of the conference, pp. 148–155, 2001) and hyperedge replacement grammars (Bauderon and Courcelle in Math Syst Theory 20:83–127, 1987; Habel and Kreowski in STACS 87: 4th Annual symposium on theoretical aspects of computer science. Lecture notes in computer science, vol 247, Springer, Berlin, pp 207–219, 1987) are two natural ways of generalizing “context-free” grammar formalisms for string and tree (...)
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  • Against ellipsis: arguments for the direct licensing of ‘noncanonical’ coordinations.Yusuke Kubota & Robert Levine - 2015 - Linguistics and Philosophy 38 (6):521-576.
    Categorial grammar is well-known for its elegant analysis of coordination enabled by the flexible notion of constituency it entertains. However, to date, no systematic study exists that examines whether this analysis has any obvious empirical advantage over alternative analyses of nonconstituent coordination available in phrase structure-based theories of syntax. This paper attempts precisely such a comparison. We compare the direct constituent coordination analysis of non-canonical coordinations in categorial grammar with an ellipsis-based analysis of the same phenomena in the recent HPSG (...)
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