This chapter poses questions about the existence and character of the Scientific Revolution by deriving its initial categories of analysis and its initial understanding of the intellectual scene from the writings of the seventeenth century, and by following the evolution of these initial categories in succeeding centuries. This project fits the theme of cross cultural transmission and appropriation -- a theme of the present volume -- if one takes the notion of a culture broadly, so that, say, seventeenth and eighteenth (...) or nineteenth century European intellectual cultures are deemed sufficiently distinct that one can speak of the "transmission" of texts and ideas from the one to the other as cross cultural. I maintain that a process of transforming and assimilating seventeenth century achievements manifests itself in two distinct cultures of interpretation, one developed by historians of philosophy, the other by scientists and historians of science. The first, following actor's categories, interprets the revolution in the seventeenth century as a philosophical displacement, partly fomented by a radical change in astronomical theory; the second, retrospectively applying the post nineteenth century sense of the term "science" to seventeenth century events, finds a "scientific" revolution, or the birth of modern science. The chapter proposes interpreting the Scientific Revolution as a revolution in natural philosophy and metaphysics. (shrink)

Social science is often described as a product of 19th century Europe, and as a handmaiden to its imperial and colonial projects. However, centuries prior to the Western social science enterprise, Islamic imperial scholars developed their own ‘science of society.’ This essay provides an overview of the historical and cultural milieu in which 'Islamic' social science was born, and then charts its development over time through case studies of four seminal scholars -- al-Razi, al-Farabi, al-Biruni and Ibn Khaldun -- who (...) played pivotal roles in establishing fields that could be roughly translated as psychology, political science, anthropology and sociology. The axioms undergirding Islamic social science are subsequently explored, with particular emphasis paid to the relations between said axioms and the discursive tradition, 'Islam.' The essay concludes with an exploration of how looking to social science enterprises beyond the ‘modern’ West can clarify the purported relationships between social science and empire. (shrink)

This article contributes to the study of the globalization of science through an analysis of Ahmed Cevdet's nineteenth-century translation of the sixth chapter of Ibn Khaldun's (d. 1406) Muqaddimah, which deals with the nature and history of science. Cevdet's translation and Ottomanization of that text demonstrate that science did not simply originate in Europe to be subsequently distributed to the rest of the world. Instead, knowledge transmitted from Europe was actively engaged with and appropriated by scholars, who sought to put (...) that material within their own cultural context in a manner that could serve their own intellectual and practical needs. Cevdet's case is particularly interesting because it demonstrates that (1) Islamic conceptions of human nature, the soul and the nature of knowledge provided particularly fertile soil in which empiricist and positivist traditions could take root, and (2) aspects of modern science – specifically its ostensive separation from metaphysical debates – made it more attractive to Islamic theologians than was, for example, the work of Aristotelian philosophers. Through an exploration of Cevdet's career and a close analysis of his historiographical treatment of Ibn Khaldun's account of sciences, this article foregrounds the agency of non-Europeans in the late nineteenth-century circulation of scientific knowledge. (shrink)

The aim of this paper is to critically assess the present state of Islamic philosophy in its main home, namely, Iran. However, since such a study requires some knowledge of the past developments of philosophical thought among Muslims, the paper briefly, though critically, deals with the emergence and subsequent phases of change in the views of Muslim philosophers from ninth century onward. In this historical survey I also touch upon the role played by other Muslim scholars such as theologians, mystics (...) and jurists, in shaping Islamic philosophy. The last section of the paper, deals, not in great details, with one or two possible scenarios for the future of Islamic philosophy. (shrink)

RésuméLes livres relevant du genre littéraire de l'adab présentent des matériaux sur un grand nombre de sujets, considérés sous des angles divers: sujets religieux, scientifiques, historiques, littéraires, etc. Ils propsent un savoir et, en même temps, de l'agrément aux gens éduqués. Nous considérerons ici deux œuvres relevant de l'adab, en tant qu'elles discutent leurs thèmes d'un point de vue scientifique: Faṣl al-Khiṭāb d'al-Tīfāshī et Mabāhij al-fikar wa-manāhij al-ʿibar d'al-Waṭwāṭ.L'œuvre d'al-Tīfāshī traite de sujets astronomiques et météorologiques. Les passages portant sur l'astronomie (...) dressent le tableau aristotélicien usuel du monde dans une version simplifiée pour non-spécialistes. Les passages sur des sujets météorologiques expliquent ces phénomènes en se conformant à la doctrine aristotélicienne des deux exhalaisons – ils se fondent, dans une large mesure, sur l'interprétation développée par Avicenne de cette théorie.Le traité d'al-Waṭwāṭ comporte quatre sections, qui envisagent respectivement le ciel, la terre, les animaux et les plantes. Un chapitre de la première section traite de phénomènes météorologiques et présente synthétiquement les explications proposées à l'époque, telles qu'on les lit dans les œuvres d'al-Kindī et d'Avicenne.On ne trouvera probablement pas d'idées scientifiques nouvelles dans la littérature d'adab, mais on y perçoit bien comment, à côté de la maîtrise du Coran, du ḥadīth, de la poésie et de la prose littéraire, la connaissance scientifique constituait une partie intégrante de l'éducation d'une certaine classe sociale, assimilée y compris par des gens dont la science n'était pas la préoccupation principale. Il apparaît également que les thèmes scientifiques traités ne se bornaient pas à ceux qui présentaient un intérêt pour la religion et la société musulmane. La science était une activité qui avait partie liée avec la société, poursuivie en vue d'une satisfaction intellectuelle et du plaisir de la connaissance, et la plupart des groupes sociaux formant cette société considéraient qu'il n'y avait rien là d'incompatible avec l'Islam comme religion. Cela pourrait bien corroborer la “thèse de l'appropriation” défendue par Sabra, selon laquelle la science était bien assimilée et largement acceptée par la société islamique médiévale, par opposition à la “thèse de la marginalité” soutenue par von Grünebaum, d'après laquelle la science était une activité marginale, confinée à une certaine élite et sans ancrage social véritable. (shrink)

This paper considers the early reception of Einstein's theory of relativity in the Arab world, with emphasis directed to its popularization. Educated Arabs generally had no contention with Einstein's political, religious or cultural background. On the contrary, they viewed him as the genius of the age and defended him against his critics.

The ArgumentIn this paper I try to analyze the fate of a new medical model that was developed in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries in European Latin society, particularly in the southern parts of Latin Europe. This model won the approval of the communities in which it was developed as part of an incipient network of medical care and attention. The new healer (Christian and male )that emerged from this model, whether physician or surgeon, based his practice on his knowledge (...) of Aristotelian natural philosophy. He was an intellectual and a social product fashioned and supported by traditional and new urban leader groups, whether civil or ecclesiastic, Christian or Jewish. Health and healers were considered part of the urban social organization both in large cities and in smaller towns.Full social acceptance of this new model was achieved only after heated debate. In practice, the new way of conceiving of medicine did not begin to become socially accepted outside intellectual circles until the new healer was able to offer specific solutions for the maintenance or restoration of health, both at an individual and at a collective level, and according to the criteria and feelings of the leader groups of the society of that time.Progress in research allows us to identify nene factors, at least, that were involed in the construction of these novelties in late medieval Latin society. (shrink)

In his Treatise on the Astrolabe Chaucer engaged simultaneously in two kinds of translation—translating from one language to another and translating highly specialized knowledge into a form that could be more easily understood by nonspecialists. These two simultaneous translations are linked to one another using the reader persona of Chaucer’s ten-year-old son. Chaucer uses a child as the ideal audience (or reader) to communicate both aspects of his translation. This article demonstrates how Chaucer’s vocabularies, including words adopted from Arabic, allowed (...) him to use English as a language for scientific knowledge and for articulating and creating new communities of scientific readers and practitioners. To do so, Chaucer introduced the concept of experience as a necessary component of acquiring natural knowledge: using the astrolabe is as important as reading about it. I demonstrate that while he maintained the centrality of experiential knowledge to understanding nature, Chaucer also established English as a scientific language, arguing that the concept of experience and the role of the English language in scientific inquiry are linked. (shrink)

I discuss my long-term observation that history of science in Islamic societies is marginalized within the general history of science community as well as in the academic world of Islamic studies, Near Eastern language and civilization programs, Middle Eastern history, or the investigation of the modern Muslim world. I ask what the possible causes for this situation are and what can be done to change the bleak situation.