This paper explores early Australasian philosophy in some detail. Two approaches have dominated Western philosophy in Australia: idealism and materialism. Idealism was prevalent between the 1880s and the 1930s, but dissipated thereafter. Idealism in Australia often reflected Kantian themes, but it also reflected the revival of interest in Hegel through the work of ‘absolute idealists’ such as T. H. Green, F. H. Bradley, and Henry Jones. A number of the early New Zealand philosophers were also educated in the idealist tradition (...) and were influential in their communities, but produced relatively little. In Australia, materialism gained prominence through the work of John Anderson, who arrived in Australia in 1927, and continues to be influential. John Anderson had been a student of Henry Jones, who might therefore be said to have influenced both main strands of Australian philosophical thought. (shrink)

In this essay I investigate conceptual foundations of populist ideological attempts to decontest the language, symbols and ambitions of popular sovereignty. Using Michael Freeden's morphological approach to analysing ideologies, I argue that unpacking the conceptual basis of populist incursions into contemporary political narratives sheds important light on left?right contests over the nature of democracy. From this vantage point, we see that forces on the left and right contest the normative and policy implications of three key features in populism's normative democratic (...) core: (1) the relationship between popular sovereignty and representation; (2) the nature of equality; and (3) the political economy of the conflict between ?the people? and elites. (shrink)

The two reforms that most contributed to the idea of an antipodean social laboratory at the end of the 19th century were the old age pension and state arbitration of the minimum wage. Both are said to reflect the influence of the new liberalism, buttressed by the emergence of the labour movement into politics. This paper argues that debates on the old age pension at the turn of the 19th century illustrate a more tangled set of liberal trajectories than either (...) a narrative of a unified Deakinite consensus, or of a new liberal importation, would allow. While there was clearly some new liberal influence in how New South Wales debated the pension, in Victoria an older tradition of colonial liberalism — which emphasized self-governance as much as social reform — meant that it was seen as much as a reward for good moral character as a measure to deal with poverty. (shrink)

This paper addresses the now entrenched historiography of the Australian Settlement and New Zealand variations thereof. Against the central premise of this historiography, that a particular regime of domestic insulation and external orientation to the British market constrained development and persisted unchanged until the neo-liberal restructuring of the 1980s, it is argued here that the political economy of the beginning of the 20th century was profoundly destabilized by the Depression. As a result, a new, Keynesian regime was established in New (...) Zealand from the late 1930s and in Australia a few years later. The entrenchment of this regime depended upon adoption by remade conservative parties by the end of the 1940s. (shrink)

Towards the end of the 19th century there was a revival of the struggle for democracy throughout the world. The formation of Australia as a federation embodied this commitment, a commitment subsequently abandoned. The impetus for public education in Australia came from its commitment to democracy, inspired by the British Idealists. If the people of a country are to be its governors, these philosophers argued, they must be educated to be governors. Taking this injunction seriously, I will argue that the (...) history of the struggle for democracy should be central to education, taught in such a way that students are able to appreciate what this commitment to democracy means. Taking Australia as a model, I will argue that this implies that the young be educated so that they define themselves in relation to the vision of a democratic society and see themselves as historical actors responsible for the future of their country and the future of humanity. (shrink)

The dominant contemporary interpretation of Adam Smith’s thought endeavors to show his anti-state attitude. According to this interpretation, Smith, as the father of economics would also be an opponent of state interference in the activity of private entities. The purpose of this work is a comprehensive presentation of the social system described by a Scottish philosopher. This task is accomplished by drawing attention to Smith’s views on the state and the law, as well as on his participation in the creation (...) of an area of knowledge known then as political economy. In order to reconcile the seemingly inconsistent views presented in Smith’s most famous works, the main subject of this analysis are the less frequently studied _Lectures on Jurisprudence_. This book, which offers Smith’s views on the role of the state and law, is the key to the correct reading of the thesis put in _Theory of Moral Sentiments_ and _An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations_. The social system emerging from these works referred to by Smith as the civil government, can in retrospect be regarded as the progenitor of liberal democracy. The state and the law play a vital role in the economic life of this system. (shrink)