Carl Schmitt sees the 1933 Nazi seizure of power as a revolution that inaugurates an entirely new era of political-legal order. Analyzing Schmitt’s rarer Nazi-texts, diaries, and correspondence, I argue that from 1933 to 1936 Schmitt attempts to theorize the Nazi revolution by developing an entirely new political language of Nazism, cleansed from non-German ways of thinking, especially nineteenth-century liberalism. I focus on three conceptual transformations through which Schmitt understands the remaking of the German state: The shift from the liberal (...) democratic neutral state to a new one-party state or a Führer-state dominated by a movement – a shift symbolized by the “death of Hegel”; the transformation of sovereign power into Führertum, represented by the symbolical deaths of Jean Bodin and Thomas Hobbes, whose thought cannot comprehend the totality of the Nazi movement, and the perversion of the liberal-democratic equality before the law to the völkisch equality of the race as the basis of all Nazi political–legal life. Criticizing previous interpretations of Schmitt’s Nazi thinking, I demonstrate that when Schmitt abandons his own decicionist thought in favor of concrete order thinking in 1933/1934 the idea of race becomes the basis of his political–legal thought. (shrink)

This paper deals with the intellectual relationship between Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt. It takes as starting point Benjamin’s famous letter to Schmitt on The Origin of German Tragic Drama as well as Benjamin`s mentions of Schmitt’s Political Theology in his work on the Baroque. Nevertheless, I prove the importance of Schmitt’s book on Dictatorship for Benjamin’s portrayal of sovereignty during the Baroque period and therefore its character of hidden reference for the Jewish thinker. The last section is devoted to (...) Schmitt`s public and private reading of The Origin of German Tragic Drama and to his critique of Benjamin’s Habilitationsschrift, namely his incapacity of understanding the difference between Shakespeare’s Hamlet and Hobbes’s Leviathan. (shrink)

Name der Zeitschrift: Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialtheorie und Philosophie Jahrgang: 5 Heft: 2 Seiten: 303-337.

On the occasion of Koselleck’s hundredth birthday, this article examines the history of the reception and impact of the book that established the historian’s fame from 1973 onward. It argues that Koselleck pursues a new-right strategy of cultural hegemony in more than one respect, which has been largely overlooked so far.

This article is a reply to Carlo Ginzburg’s Max-Weber Lecture delivered at the European University Institute. The author agrees with Ginzburg in many important points. However, he insists that terror produced by the state cannot be interpreted as the highest degree of the usual fears of ordinary people. It is not even identical with the simple death fear.

The notion of ideology and its critique have taken a remarkable about-turn in recent decades. While in classical Marxism, ideology used to be understood in terms of a distorted representation of real social divisions, recent authors such as Claude Lefort and Ernesto Laclau have argued that there is no standpoint outside language or representation, and they consider those representations as ideological that remain blind to their own political effects. However, a dimension that was crucial in the classical Marxist tradition has (...) been downplayed in their work, namely the importance of ideology critique for the process of emancipation or of a particular subject becoming political. To reintroduce this dimension in the recent debate on ideology, this article takes recourse to a selective and creative reading of Carl Schmitt. Schmitt, it is argued, understands ideology critique as a crucial precondition for the process through which a subject becomes political. From a Schmittian perspective, ideology critique aims at unmasking depoliticisation and thus at making visible an intersubjective space of conflict, which is the inevitable condition for every democratic or emancipatory struggle. (shrink)

En este artículo abordaremos el problema de la relación entre el Estado y el capital como una disputa abierta en la modernidad entre la política y la economía. Desde la perspectiva de la filosofía hegeliana de la historia y el derecho, analizaremos la manera en la que la economía tiende en su proceso estructural de expansión espacial global a subsumir y subordinar las funciones administrativas y jurídicas de las formas estatales previas al ciclo sistémico inglés de acumulación capitalista. Para esto (...) analizaremos primero la conceptualización hegeliana de la economía política, para después exponer la manera específica en que esta se traduce en una forma de comportamiento global determinado por los procesos de distribución diferencial del capital y así, finalmente, abordar la manera en la que la economía cumple sus funciones determinantes en la conformación del mercado mundial y la historia universal, teniendo siempre como referencia directa el tiempo histórico en el cual Hegel desarrolló sus reflexiones filosóficas sobre la economía. (shrink)

It was originally suggested that the Anthropocene began in 1784, the date of James Watt’s patent for the rotative steam engine. Patent dates are interesting artefacts. They owe their existence to the chronopoietic technique of patent jurisprudence, which generates temporal sequences out of synchronous states of knowledge. This may not be geological time, but it informs the experience of time that is proper to the culture whose deposits of Pu-239 now mark the onset of the Anthropocene. Patent jurisprudence makes a (...) crucial contribution to what might be called the ethos of the Anthropocene: the sense of society as having an inexhaustible capacity for innovation, for endless self-renewal. And, as it turns out, the steam engine yields some interesting insights into this mode of enchantment. (shrink)

El artículo analiza el vínculo entre derecho y violencia en Walter Benjamin y Franz Rosenzweig. Primero, se estudia la relación entre Benjamin, Rosenzweig y Carl Schmitt, y, a continuación, la proximidad entre las concepciones benjaminiana y rosenzweiguiana de la historia y de la temporalidad mesiánica, así como la relación entre justicia, derecho y eternidad. Finalmente, se presenta la propuesta derridiana de una deconstrucción de la crítica benjaminiana de la violencia y su antecedente en _La estrella de la redención_.

Straipsnio tikslas – Carlo Schmitto politinės teologijos statuso analizė. Siekiama įrodyti, kad Schmitto pristatyta koncepcija negali būti suprasta kaip teisės sąvokų sociologija, kaip ją kai kuriuose darbuose apibūdino pats autorius. Ji taip pat negali būti aiškinama kaip teologijos dalis, kaip tai daro daugelis dabartinių interpretuotojų. Schmittas „politinės teologijos“ vardu pavadino politikos teorijai priskirtiną projektą, pagrįstą teologinių prielaidų įvedimu į filosofiją. Tai primena XIX a. katalikų reakcio­nierių Josepho de Maistre’o, Louiso de Bonaldo ir Juano Donoso Corteso politinę filosofiją.

En este artículo pretendo probar que en el pensamiento de Francisco Antonio Encina existe una reflexión sobre la comprensión. Esa reflexión, a diferencia de lo que han sostenido algunos autores, tiene un talante filosófico, en el sentido de que en ella se exponen pertinentemente los polos entre los que se realiza la comprensión, los extremos hacia los que puede inclinarse la actividad comprensiva y las condiciones básicas que ha de reunir una comprensión de los asuntos humanos calificable como pertinente, adecuada (...) o correcta. (shrink)

Carl Schmitt privately acknowledged that his late theory of Erd-Herrschaft converged with some of Nietzsche’s thought, yet remained silent on this in his book The Nomos of t...