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  1. Representation and Scholastic Political Thought.Sean Messarra - 2020 - History of European Ideas 46 (6):737-753.
    ABSTRACT This article traces the considerable development of a language of representation derived from Cicero's De officiis from late antiquity into early modern scholastic political thought. Cicero turned to the term persona, which signified the mask worn by actors of ancient theatre, to describe the particular duty of a magistrate who was understood ‘to bear the person of the city [se gerere personam civitatis]’. Thomas Hobbes's reliance on this terminology for his theory of the state in Leviathan is well known, (...)
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  • The Personality Of The Greek State.Greg Anderson - 2009 - Journal of Hellenic Studies 129:1-.
    Were the poleis of Classical Greece state-based or stateless communities? Do their political structures meet standard criteria for full statehood? Conventional wisdom maintains that they do noto According to a broad consensus, the Classical polis was neither state-based nor stateless as such, but something somewhere in between: a unique, category-defying formation that was somehow both 'state' and 'society' simultaneously, a kind of inseparable fusion of the two. The current paper offers an alternative perspective on this complex but fundamental issue. It (...)
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  • The Two Faces of Personhood: Hobbes, Corporate Agency and the Personality of the State.Sean Fleming - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511773194.
    There is an important but underappreciated ambiguity in Hobbes’ concept of personhood. In one sense, persons are representatives or actors. In the other sense, persons are representees or characters. An estate agent is a person in the first sense; her client is a person in the second. This ambiguity is crucial for understanding Hobbes’ claim that the state is a person. Most scholars follow the first sense of ‘person’, which suggests that the state is a kind of actor – in (...)
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  • El reverso de las corporaciones hobbesianas: responsabilidad política y conflicto regular.Jerónimo Rilla - 2017 - Anales Del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía 34 (2):389-409.
    El propósito del presente trabajo consiste en explicar por qué Hobbes adopta una perspectiva corporativista para dar cuenta de la dinámica social y política que opera al interior del Leviatán. En concreto, intentaremos demostrar cómo el ordenamiento de la sociedad política en sistemas conducidos por representantes le permite a Hobbes establecer ciertas pautas en el desenvolvimiento de los conflictos públicos, fundamentalmente, la asignación de responsabilidades. A su vez, como hipótesis subsidiaria, argüiremos que el rol de la teoría de la representación (...)
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  • Locke, Liberty, and Law: Legalism and Extra-Legal Powers in the Second Treatise.Assaf Sharon - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    The apparent inconsistency between Locke’s commitment to legalism and his explicit endorsement of the extra-legal power of prerogative has confounded many readers. Among those who don’t ignore or d...
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  • Il pluralismo preso sul serio: Quali diritti, quale giustizia penale?Luca Baccelli - 2005 - Jura Gentium 2:23-42.
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  • Republican Auctoritas: Harrington’s Dual Theory of Political Legitimacy.Cody Trojan - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    Neo-republicans position James Harrington as a seminal figure in a tradition that asks what set of institutions grant the individual freedom from domination. This article argues that th...
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  • Fichte on Democracy and Revolution. Sketches for a Normative Account.Gianfranco Pellegrino - forthcoming - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche.
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  • The Body Politic “is a Fictitious Body”.Robin Douglass - 2014 - Hobbes Studies 27 (2):126-147.
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  • A Genealogy of the Modern State.Quentin Skinner - 2009 - In Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 162, 2008 Lectures. pp. 325.
    This lecture presents the text of the speech about the genealogy of the modern state delivered by the author at the 2008 British Academy Lecture. It explains that to investigate the genealogy of the state is to discover that there has never been any agreed concept to which the word state has answered. The lecture suggests that any moral or political term that has become so deeply enmeshed in so many ideological disputes over such a long period of time is (...)
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  • Selves, Persons, Individuals : A Feminist Critique of the Law of Obligations.Janice Richardson - unknown
    This thesis examines some of the contested meanings of what it is to be a self, person and individual. The law of obligations sets the context for this examination. One of the important aspects of contemporary feminist philosophy has been its move beyond highlighting inconsistencies in political and legal theory, in which theoretical frameworks can be shown to rely upon an ambiguous treatment of women. The feminist theorists whose work is considered use these theoretical weaknesses as a point of departure (...)
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  • Hobbes’s Conventionalist Theology, the Trinity, and God as an Artificial Person by Fiction.Arash Abizadeh - 2018 - Historical Journal 60 (4):915-941.
    By the time Hobbes wrote Leviathan, he was a theist, but not in the sense presumed by either side of the present-day debate concerning the sincerity of his professed theism. On the one hand, Hobbes’s expressed theology was neither merely deistic, nor confined to natural theology: the Hobbesian God is not merely a first mover, but a person who counsels, commands, and threatens. On the other hand, the Hobbesian God’s existence depends on being constructed artificially by human convention. The Hobbesian (...)
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  • On the Person and Office of the Sovereign in Hobbes’ Leviathan.Laurens van Apeldoorn - 2020 - British Journal for the History of Philosophy 28 (1):49-68.
    ABSTRACTI contextualize and interpret the distinction in Hobbes’ Leviathan between the capacities of the sovereign and show its importance for contemporary debates on the nature of Hobbesian sovereignty. Hobbes distinguishes between actions the sovereign does on personal title, and actions he undertakes in a political capacity. I argue that, like royalists defending King Charles I before and during the English civil war, he maintains that the highest magistrate is sovereign in both his natural and political capacities because the capacities are (...)
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  • Sovereignty and the Separation of Powers in John Locke.Bedri Gencer - 2010 - The European Legacy 15 (3):323-339.
    Locke's conceptualization of sovereignty and its uses, combining theological, social, and political perspectives, testifies to his intellectual profundity that was spurred by his endeavour to re-traditionalize a changing world. First, by relying on the traditional, personalistic notion of polity, Locke developed a concept of sovereignty that bore the same sense of authority as the “right of commanding” attributable only to real persons. Second, he managed to reconcile the unitary nature of sovereignty with the plurality of its uses, mainly through a (...)
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  • Il diritto all'acqua come diritto sociale e come diritto collettivo.Danilo Zolo - 2005 - Jura Gentium 2:87-102.
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  • Populism and Democracy: The Challenge for Deliberative Democracy.Assaf Sharon - 2019 - European Journal of Philosophy 27 (2):359-376.
    European Journal of Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  • The Seat of Sovereignty: Hobbes on the Artificial Person of the Commonwealth or State.Christine Chwaszcza - 2012 - Hobbes Studies 25 (2):123-142.
    Is sovereignty in Hobbes the power of a person or of an office? This article defends the thesis that it is the latter. The interpretation is based on an analysis of Hobbes’s version of the social contract in Leviathan . Pace Quentin Skinner, it will be argued that the person whom Hobbes calls “sovereign” is not a person but the office of government.
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  • Authorisation and Representation Before Leviathan.Robin Douglass - 2018 - Hobbes Studies 31 (1):30-47.
    _ Source: _Volume 31, Issue 1, pp 30 - 47 In this article, I show that Hobbes’s account of the generation of the commonwealth in both _The Elements of Law_ and _De Cive_ relies on ideas that he would come to theorise in terms of authorisation and representation in _Leviathan_. In this respect, I argue that the _Leviathan_ account is better understood as filling in gaps and resolving equivocations in Hobbes’s theory, rather than marking a decisive break in his thinking. (...)
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  • What is the Leviathan?Paul Sagar - 2018 - Hobbes Studies 31 (1):75-92.
    _ Source: _Volume 31, Issue 1, pp 75 - 92 The aim of this article is to explore some of what Hobbes says in _Leviathan_ about what the Leviathan is. I propose that Hobbes is not finally clear on this score. Nonetheless, such indeterminacy might be revealing, insofar as it points us in different directions regarding how the state can be conceptualized, and what it is thought able to do. The paper is thus deliberately open ended: it does not aim (...)
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  • De-Presentation Rights as a Response to Extremism.Anthoula Malkopoulou - 2016 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 19 (3):301-319.
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  • Liberalism and Fear of Violence.Bruce Buchan - 2001 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (3):27-48.
    Liberal political thought is underwritten by an enduring fear of civil and state violence. It is assumed within liberal thought that self?interest characterises relations between individuals in civil society, resulting in violence. In absolutist doctrines, such as Hobbes?, the pacification of private persons depended on the Sovereign's command of a monopoly of violence. Liberals, by contrast, sought to claim that the state itself must be pacified, its capacity for cruelty (e.g., torture) removed, its capacity for violence (e.g., war) reduced and (...)
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