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  1. g as bridge model.Devin Sanchez Curry - 2021 - Philosophy of Science 88 (5):1067-1078.
    Psychometric g—a statistical factor capturing intercorrelations between scores on different IQ tests—is of theoretical interest despite being a low-fidelity model of both folk psychological intelligence and its cognitive/neural underpinnings. Psychometric g idealizes away from those aspects of cognitive/neural mechanisms that are not explanatory of the relevant variety of folk psychological intelligence, and it idealizes away from those varieties of folk psychological intelligence that are not generated by the relevant cognitive/neural substrate. In this manner, g constitutes a high-fidelity bridge model of (...)
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  • Rethinking creative intelligence: comparative psychology and the concept of creativity.Henry Shevlin - 2020 - European Journal for Philosophy of Science 11 (1):1-21.
    The concept of creativity is a central one in folk psychological explanation and has long been prominent in philosophical debates about the nature of art, genius, and the imagination. The scientific investigation of creativity in humans is also well established, and there has been increasing interest in the question of whether the concept can be rigorously applied to non-human animals. In this paper, I argue that such applications face serious challenges of both a conceptual and methodological character, reflecting deep controversies (...)
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  • Coercive paternalism and the intelligence continuum.Nathan Cofnas - 2020 - Behavioural Public Policy 4 (1):88-107.
    Thaler and Sunstein advocate 'libertarian paternalism'. A libertarian paternalist changes the conditions under which people act so that their cognitive biases lead them to choose what is best for themselves. Although libertarian paternalism manipulates people, Thaler and Sunstein say that it respects their autonomy by preserving the possibility of choice. Conly argues that libertarian paternalism does not go far enough, since there is no compelling reason why we should allow people the opportunity to choose to bring disaster upon themselves if (...)
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  • Summarized report of distributions and inter-correlations of binet and perform-ance test-values obtained from subnormal children in a mental survey.E. Morris Miller - 1928 - Australasian Journal of Psychology and Philosophy 6 (2):120-136.
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  • Science is not always “self-correcting” : fact–value conflation and the study of intelligence.Nathan Cofnas - 2016 - Foundations of Science 21 (3):477-492.
    Some prominent scientists and philosophers have stated openly that moral and political considerations should influence whether we accept or promulgate scientific theories. This widespread view has significantly influenced the development, and public perception, of intelligence research. Theories related to group differences in intelligence are often rejected a priori on explicitly moral grounds. Thus the idea, frequently expressed by commentators on science, that science is “self-correcting”—that hypotheses are simply abandoned when they are undermined by empirical evidence—may not be correct in all (...)
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  • Does the need for agreement among reviewers inhibit the publication controversial findings?J. Scott Armstrong & Raymond Hubbard - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (1):136-137.
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  • Reliability, fairness, objectivity and other inappropriate goals in peer review.John C. Bailar - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (1):137-138.
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  • Peer review: Explicit criteria and training can help.Fred Delcomyn - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (1):144-144.
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  • Justice, efficiency and epistemology in the peer review of scientific manuscripts.Michael J. Mahoney - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (1):157-157.
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  • Intelligence, adaptation, and inverted selection.Marc N. Richelle - 1984 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 7 (2):299-300.
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  • On the biology and politics of cognitive sex differences.David C. Geary - 1996 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 19 (2):267-284.
    The male advantage in certain mathematical domains contributes to the difference in the numbers of males and females that enter math-intensive occupations, which in turn contributes to the sex difference in earnings. Understanding the nature and development of the sex difference in mathematical abilities is accordingly of social as well as scientific concern. A more complete understanding of the biological contributions to these differences can guide research on educational techniques that might someday produce more equal educational outcomes in mathematics and (...)
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  • Sexual selection and sex differences in mathematical abilities.David C. Geary - 1996 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 19 (2):229-247.
    The principles of sexual selection were used as an organizing framework for interpreting cross-national patterns of sex differences in mathematical abilities. Cross-national studies suggest that there are no sex differences in biologically primary mathematical abilities, that is, for those mathematical abilities that are found in all cultures as well as in nonhuman primates, and show moderate heritability estimates. Sex differences in several biologically secondary mathematical domains are found throughout the industrialized world. In particular, males consistently outperform females in the solving (...)
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  • (1 other version)The Myth of Cognitive Decline: Non‐Linear Dynamics of Lifelong Learning.Michael Ramscar, Peter Hendrix, Cyrus Shaoul, Petar Milin & Harald Baayen - 2014 - Topics in Cognitive Science 6 (1):5-42.
    As adults age, their performance on many psychometric tests changes systematically, a finding that is widely taken to reveal that cognitive information-processing capacities decline across adulthood. Contrary to this, we suggest that older adults'; changing performance reflects memory search demands, which escalate as experience grows. A series of simulations show how the performance patterns observed across adulthood emerge naturally in learning models as they acquire knowledge. The simulations correctly identify greater variation in the cognitive performance of older adults, and successfully (...)
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  • On Spearman's “problem of correlation”.John B. Carroll - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (1):7-7.
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  • Do we know enough about g to be able to speak of black–white differences?Ronald C. Johnson & Craig T. Nagoshi - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):232-233.
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  • What reaction times time.T. Nettelbeck - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):235-235.
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  • The black–white difference in g: A phenomenon in search of a theory.Arthur R. Jensen - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):246-263.
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  • The nature of psychometric g.Paul Kline - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):234-234.
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  • Jensen's support for Spearman's hypothesis is support for a circular argument.James R. Wilson - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):246-246.
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  • On Gall's reputation and some recent “new phrenology”.C. G. Gross - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (1):16-18.
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  • The nature of the black–white difference on various psychometric tests: Spearman's hypothesis.Arthur R. Jensen - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):193-219.
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  • How similar are fluid cognition and general intelligence? A developmental neuroscience perspective on fluid cognition as an aspect of human cognitive ability.Blair Clancy - 2006 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 29 (2):109-125.
    This target article considers the relation of fluid cognitive functioning to general intelligence. A neurobiological model differentiating working memory/executive function cognitive processes of the prefrontal cortex from aspects of psychometrically defined general intelligence is presented. Work examining the rise in mean intelligence-test performance between normative cohorts, the neuropsychology and neuroscience of cognitive function in typically and atypically developing human populations, and stress, brain development, and corticolimbic connectivity in human and nonhuman animal models is reviewed and found to provide evidence of (...)
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  • Universal intelligence: A definition of machine intelligence.Shane Legg & Marcus Hutter - 2007 - Minds and Machines 17 (4):391-444.
    A fundamental problem in artificial intelligence is that nobody really knows what intelligence is. The problem is especially acute when we need to consider artificial systems which are significantly different to humans. In this paper we approach this problem in the following way: we take a number of well known informal definitions of human intelligence that have been given by experts, and extract their essential features. These are then mathematically formalised to produce a general measure of intelligence for arbitrary machines. (...)
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  • Precis of the modularity of mind.Jerry A. Fodor - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (1):1-42.
    The Modularity of Mind proposes an alternative to the or view of cognitive architecture that has dominated several decades of cognitive science. Whereas interactionism stresses the continuity of perceptual and cognitive processes, modularity theory argues for their distinctness. It is argued, in particular, that the apparent plausibility of New Look theorizing derives from the failure to distinguish between the (correct) claim that perceptual processes are inferential and the (dubious) claim that they are unencapsidated, that is, that they are arbitrarily sensitive (...)
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  • The process of peer review: Unanswered questions.Linda D. Nelson - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (1):158-159.
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  • Reflections on the peer review process.Herbert W. Marsh & Samuel Ball - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (1):157-158.
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  • A cognitive scientist's view of intelligence.Allan Collins - 1980 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 3 (4):588-589.
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  • Sketch of a componential subtheory of human intelligence.Robert J. Sternberg - 1980 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 3 (4):573-584.
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  • How intelligent can one be?Kjell Raaheim - 1984 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 7 (2):298-298.
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  • Jensen's compromise with componentialism.Christopher Brand - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):222-223.
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  • We are far from understanding sex-related differences in spatial-mathematical abilities despite the theory of sexual selection.Üner Tan - 1996 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 19 (2):264-264.
    I have provided evidence that Geary's model does not explain male dominance in spatial abilities by sexual selection. The current literature concerning the relations of nonverbal IQ to testosterone, hand preference, and right- and left-hand skill, as well as the organizing effects of testosterone on cerebral lateralization during the perinatal period, does not support Geary's arguments.
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  • Some problematic links between hunting and geometry.Meredith M. Kimball - 1996 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 19 (2):258-259.
    Geary's emphasis on hunting ignores the possible importance of other human activities, such as scavenging and gathering, in the evolution of spatial abilities. In addition, there is little evidence that links spatial abilities and math skills. Furthermore, such links have little practical importance given the small size of most differences and girls' superior performance in mathematics classrooms.
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  • Resources dimorphism sexual selection and mathematics achievement.Diana Eugenie Kornbrot - 1996 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 19 (2):259-259.
    Geary's model is a worthy effort, but ambiguous on important issues. It ignores differential resource allocation, although this follows directly from sexual selection via differential parental investment. Dimorphism in primary traits is arbitrarily attributed to sexual selection via intramale competition, rather than direct evolutionary pressures. Dubious predictions are made about the consequences of raising mathematics achievement.
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  • The logic of the sociobiological model Geary-style.Diane Proudfoot - 1996 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 19 (2):261-261.
    Geary's is the traditional view of the sexes. Yet each part of his argument – the move from sex differences in spatial ability and social preferences to a sex difference in mathematical ability, the claim that the former are biologically primary, and the sociobiological explanation of these differences – requires considerable further work. The notion of a biologically secondary ability is itself problematic.
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  • Arithmetic and old lace.Jeffrey Foss - 1996 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 19 (2):252-253.
    Geary's project faces the severe methodological difficulty of tracing the biological effects of gender on mathematical ability in a system that is massively open. Two methodological stratagems he uses are considered. The first is that pancultural sex differences are biological in nature, which is dubious in the domain of mathematics, since it is completely culture-bound. The second is that sociosexual differences are partly caused by biosexual differences, which renders his thesis unfalsifiable and empirically empty.
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  • Intelligence and g: An imaginative treatment of unimaginative data.Raymond B. Cattell - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):227-228.
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  • Event-related potentials and the biology of human information processing.Enoch Callaway - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):223-224.
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  • Interpretations for a class on minority assessment.J. P. Das - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):228-228.
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  • Faculties, modules, and computers.Daniel N. Robinson - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (1):28-29.
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  • Differential K theory and group differences in intelligence.J. Philippe Rushton - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (2):239-240.
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  • Progress and degeneration in the 'IQ debate' (II).Peter Urbach - 1974 - British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 25 (3):235-259.
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  • The predictive validity of peer review: A neglected issue.Robert F. Bornstein - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (1):138-139.
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  • What should be done improve reviewing?Rick Crandall - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (1):143-143.
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  • Why is the reliability of peer review so low?Donald Laming - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (1):154-156.
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  • Should the blinded lead the blinded?Stephen P. Lock - 1991 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 14 (1):156-157.
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  • Intelligent dissension among the Archói is good for the people.Judith Economos - 1984 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 7 (2):290-290.
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  • Toward a triarchic theory of human intelligence.Robert J. Sternberg - 1984 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 7 (2):269-287.
    This article is a synopsis of a triarchic theory of human intelligence. The theory comprises three subtheories: a contextual subtheory, which relates intelligence to the external world of the individual; a componential subtheory, which relates intelligence to the individual's internal world; and a two-facet subtheory, which relates intelligence to both the external and internal worlds. The contextual subtheory defines intelligent behavior in terms of purposive adaptation to, shaping of, and selection of real-world environments relevant to one's life. The normal course (...)
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  • Mary has more: Sex differences, autism, coherence, and theory of mind.Uta Frith & Francesca Happé - 1996 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 19 (2):253-254.
    We challenge the notion that differences in spatial ability are the best or only explanation for observed sex differences in mathematical word problems. We suggest two ideas from the study of autism: sex differences in theory of mind and in central coherence.
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  • How important is spatial ability to mathematics?Ann Dowker - 1996 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 19 (2):251-251.
    This commentary focuses on one of the many issues raised in Geary's target article: the importance of gender differences in spatial ability to gender differences in mathematics. I argue that the evidence for the central role of spatial ability in mathematical ability, or in gender differences in it, is tenuous at best.
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  • Cognitive self-organization and neural modularity.Stephen Grossberg - 1985 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 8 (1):18-19.
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