Particle physicists constitute a community of sophisticated mythmakers—explicators of the nature of matter who forever alter our views of space and time. But who are these people? What is their world really like? Traweek, a bold observer of culture, opens the door to this unusual domain and offers us a glimpse into the inner sanctum.

The ArgumentThis paper sets out a framework for understanding how the scientific community constructs computer simulation as an epistemically and pragmatically useful methodology. The framework is based on comparisons between simulation and the loosely-defined categories of “theoretical work” and “experimental work.” Within that framework, the epistemological adequacy of simulation arises from its role as a mathematical manipulation of a complex, abstract theoretical model. To establish that adequacy demands a detailed “theoretical” grasp of the internal structure of the computer program. Simultaneously, (...) the pragmatic usefulness of simulation arises from its role as a “virtual laboratory.” That role is made possible by black-boxing the internal structure of the program, such that the scientist can interact with the computer in an intuitive, “experimental” manner. Thus simulation is rendered authoritative, opening up encoded theories to a novel, “experimental” type of manipulation. (shrink)

Nick Hopwood, Simon Schaffer and Jim Secord , “Seriality and scientific objects in the nineteenth century”, History of Science, xlviii . Series represent much that was new and significant in the sciences between the French Revolution and the First World War. From periodical publication to the cinema, tabulation to industrialized screening, series feature in major innovations in scientific communication and the organization of laboratories, clinics, libraries, museums and field - XIXe siècle – Nouvel article.

The ArgumentIn the first part of this paper, issues concerning an “epistemology of time” are raised. The Derridean theme of the historial movement of a trace is connected to Prigogine's notion of an operator-time. It is suggested that both conceptions can be used to characterize the dynamics of experimental systems in contemporary science. It is argued that such systems have, to speak with Hacking, “a life of their own” and that this is precisely the reason for their inherent unpredictability.In the (...) second part, a case from the history of virology and cytomorphology is presented. The movement of a particular experimental system is followed in its peculiar tension between deferring and becoming different—i.e., between the persistence of a problem and the vagaries of its successive transformations. They are rendered possible by novel technical implementations, but they are not determined in any meaningful sense on a mere technological level.In conclusion, a point is made for a deconstructive approach to the history of science. (shrink)

Over the past twenty years or so, historians of science have become increasingly sensitized to issues involved in studying and interpreting scientific and medical instruments. The contributors to this Focus section are historians of science who have worked closely with museum objects and collections, specifically instruments used in scientific and medical contexts. Such close engagement by historians of science is somewhat rare, provoking distinctive questions as to how we define and understand instruments, opening up issues regarding the value of broken (...) or incomplete objects, and raising concerns about which scientific and medical artifacts are displayed and interpreted in museums and in what manner. It is hoped that these essays point historians of science in new directions for reengaging with scientific objects and collections. (shrink)

It is useful on the occasion of the 21st anniversary of the ‘Cyborg Manifesto’ not only to reconsider its lessons in the context of what is frequently described as the re-engineering of ‘life itself’, but to look at Haraway’s earlier work on embryos. In this article I begin with Haraway’s analysis of embryology in the 1970s to suggest her cyborg embryo was already there, and has, if anything, gained relevance in today’s embryo-strewn society. I argue further, as the title suggests, (...) that the cyborg embryo has been crucial in defining our path to what I am calling here, building on Haraway’s notion of trans from Modest_Witness, ‘transbiology’ - broadly meaning stem cell research, cloning, tissue engineering and regenerative medicine. To illustrate this argument I draw on recent ethnographic fieldwork in a new stem cell derivation facility in the UK built adjacent to an IVF surgery. Using this example, I explore the important and paradoxical role of IVF in the emergence of stem cell science, cloning and transbiology, suggesting that Haraway’s analysis remains crucial to understanding the ironic and contradictory, and unexpectedly generative, circumstances through which the IVF-stem cell interface - the door to transbiology - came into being. (shrink)

This article is about the beginnings of tissue culture-the culture of living, reproducing cells of complex organisms outside the body. It argues that Ross Harrison's experiments in nerve culture between 1907 and 1910 should be viewed as part of a larger shift in early twentieth-century laboratory practice from in vivo to in vitro experimentation. Via a focus on the temporality of experiment-contrasting the live object of Harrison's investigation with the static object of histological representations-this article details the production of a (...) new and surprising form of life, cellular life in vitro. Tissue culture, developed from Harrison's experiments, was greeted with great surprise and disbelief, despite Harrison's protestations that he had merely juxtaposed extant techniques. An analysis of these initial reactions to tissue culture illuminates the extent to which cells living visibly outside of the body in glass broke with in vivo practices and assumptions of the hiddenness and interiority of certain processes of growth and change. (shrink)

This issue ofScience in Contextis dedicated to the question of whether there was a “cinematographic turn” in the sciences around the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1895, the Lumière brothers presented their projection apparatus to the Parisian public for the first time. In 1897, the Scottish medical doctor John McIntyre filmed the movement of a frog's leg; in Vienna, in 1898, Ludwig Braun made film recordings of the contractions of a living dog's heart (cf. Cartwright 1992); in 1904, Lucien (...) Bull filmed in slow motion a bullet entering a soap bubble. In 1907 and 1908, respectively, Max Seddig and Victor Henri recorded Brownian motion with the help of a cinematograph (Curtis 2005). In 1909, the Swiss Julius Ries was one of the first to film fertilization and cell division in sea urchins (Ries 1909). In that same year in Paris, Louise Chevroton and Frédéric Vlès used a film camera to observe cell division in the same object (Chevroton and Vlès 1909). As early as 1898, the Parisian surgeon Eugène-Louis Doyen began filming several of his operations, among them the spectacular separation of the Siamese twins Doodica and Radica (Bonah and Laukötter 2009). And in England, the scientist and zoologist Francis Martin Duncan produced an array of popular-scientific films for Charles Urban: “The unseen world: A series of microscopic studies” was presented to the public in the Alhambra Theatre in London for the first time in 1903 (see Gaycken in this issue). (shrink)

This paper addresses the visual culture of late-19th-century experimental physiology. Taking the case of Johann Nepomuk Czermak as a key example, it argues that images played a crucial role in acquiring experimental physiological skills. Czermak, Emil Du Bois-Reymond and other late-19th-century physiologists sought to present the achievements and perspective of their discipline by way of "immediate visual perception." However, the images they produced and presented for this purpose were strongly mediated. By means of specifically designed instruments, such as the "cardioscope," (...) the "contraction telegraph," and the "frog pistol," and of specifically constructed rooms, so-called "spectatoriums," physiologists trained and controlled the perception of their students before allowing them to conduct experiments on their own. Studying the material culture of physiological image production reveals that technological resources such as telegraphy, photography, and even railways contributed to making physiological facts anschaulich. At the same time, it shows that the more traditional image techniques of anatomy played an important role in physiological lecture halls, especially when it came to displaying the details of vivisection experiments to the public. Thus, the images of late 19th century physiology stood half-way between machines and organisms, between books and instruments. (shrink)

Credibility in a scientific community (sensu Shapin) is a vicarious selector (sensu Campbell) for the reliability of reports by individual scientists or institutions. Similarly, images from a microscope (sensu Hacking) are vicarious selectors for studying specimens. Working at different levels, the process of indirect reasoning and checking indicates a unity to experimentalist and sociological perspectives, along with a resonance of strategies for assessing reliability. The perspective sketched here can open dialogue between philosophical and sociological interpretations of science and resolves at (...) least one tension regarding the "primary" factors by which scientists evaluate claims. (shrink)

The paper analyses the impact of the discovery of the division of infusoria on eighteenth century microscopical iconography. In Autumn 1765, when reproducing the antispontaneist experiments of Lazzaro Spallanzani, Horace-Bénédict de Saussure (1740-1799) discovered a new method of generation of the animalcules of the infusions, namely their division. Drawing a dividing animalcule raised particular problems, notably the question of how to depict the time sequence of a microscopical creature. Although Saussure's journal of microscopical experiments remained unpublished, the discovery was soon (...) diffused and acknowledged by the European naturalists who began to repeat the observations and quickly faced iconographic problems similar to those experienced by Saussure. Indeed, linearity, used to picture time, is a construction, and, notably for public images, scholars had to contend with the conventions of drawers and engravers. The analysis of microscopical iconographic material of the period 1740-1786 shows that during this period, certain naturalists invented new solutions for depicting time, but diffusion of their innovations was not immediate. Nevertheless, in regards to the illustration of microscopical creatures, it is between 1765 and 1776 that the use of linearity was established as a solution enabling an audience to read an iconographic time process as a text. (shrink)

What sort of activities took place in the academic laboratories developed for teaching the natural sciences in Britain between the 1860s and 1880s? What kind of social and instrumental regimes were implemented to make them meaningful and efficient venues of experimental instruction? As humanly constructed sites of experiment how were the metropolitan institutional contexts of these laboratories engineered to make them legitimate places to study ‘Nature’? Previous studies have documented chemists' effective use of regimented quantitative analysis in their laboratory teaching (...) from the 1820s, but less is known about how Victorian academics made other sorts of laboratories unproblematic pedagogical spaces. This paper will examine the literary, disciplinary and instrumental technologies of microscopy deployed by T. H. Huxley at his South Kensington laboratory during the early 1870s to render his biology teaching legitimate, meaningful and efficient. As such it is a response to Pickstone's recent call for a broader account of microscopy teaching in late nineteenth-century academic life science, and one localized answer to Bennett's enquiries as to what the appearance of a microscope in laboratories and other domestic settings betokened to historical actors, and how such tokens changed over time. (shrink)

The use of informatic metaphors and models derived from mid-20th-century cyberscience in molecular biology has been the subject of much controversy. Many social critics have argued that informatic discourses implicitly privilege a disembodied or implicitly masculine conception of life that is most fully realized in contemporary genomics. In this paper, I offer a different perspective on these issues by returning to the 18th-century work of Gregor Mendel, who conducted a series of experiments that are generally regarded as having laid down (...) the basic rules of heredity underlying genetic science. I attempt to show that a nascent informatic understanding of the body is already present in Mendel’s work, and that the implications of his approach for the politics of gender and social life are much more ambiguous than is generally recognized. More specifically, I argue that the meaning of ‘sex’, and of its relation to the organic body, is implicitly at stake in Mendel’s thought. I suggest that his text contains certain unresolved questions of sexual propriety that are today still being worked out in the context of contemporary genomics. (shrink)

Dieser Artikel befasst sich mit einem Aspekt in Sigmund Freuds Werk, der zentral ist für seine psychoanalytische Theorie: die biologischen Anleihen im “Kern unseres Wesens”. Dies ist der Begriff, den Freud in seiner ersten und letzten Beschreibung des Unbewussten wählte. Dieser Begriff ist nicht nur von maßgeblicher Bedeutung für Freuds Werk, sondern auch für die miteinander verwobene Geschichte der Biologie, der Hirnforschung und der Psychoanalyse. Trotz der wachsenden Anzahl von Studien zu Freuds biologischem Hintergrund blieben die zellbiologischen Aspekte des “Kerns (...) unseres Wesens” bisher allerdings unberührt. Bevor Freud seine therapeutische Praxis eröffnete, arbeitete er über ein Jahrzehnt als medizinischer Biologe. Im Labor zunächst von Ernst Wilhelm von Brücke, im Einflussbereich von Hermann von Helmholtz, sowie im Labor des Neurologen Theodor Meynert verbrachte er den überwiegenden Teil seiner Zeit mit der Visualisierung von Zellen. Unter den über 100 Artikeln, die er während dieser Jahre produzierte, findet sich eine Publikation, die erstmals Bilder zu einem Phänomen präsentiert, das später als ‘nuclear motility’ in die Lehrbücher eingeht. Um darin zu beschreiben, was er im Zellkern sah, verwendete Freud den in der Mikroskopie gängigen Begriff der ‘Verdichtungen’ und führte einen weiteren, den der ‘Verschiebungen’, ein. Dies sind essentielle Termini, die Freud später nutzte, um die Traumarbeit des Unbewussten zu erläutern. Gemeinsam gelesen mit der Tatsache, dass Freud selbst sich als von Darwin inspiriert darstellte, motiviert dies dazu, die Beziehung zwischen seiner visuellen Erfahrung mit dem Zellkern und seinem Konzept des „Kerns unseres Wesens” zu untersuchen. Seine Zeichnungen und die in Wort gefassten Bilder bezogen auf den Kern sind so sehr miteinander verwickelt, dass viele seiner metaphorischen Ausdrücke sich ontologisch verstehen lassen. Freud wandte sich stets gegen die Unterstellung, seine Modelle seien materiell-biologisch deutbar. Es ist daher nicht anzunehmen, Freud hätte von seinen biologischen Vorverständnissen und Vor-Ansichten Gebrauch gemacht, ohne sich dessen gewahr zu sein. Stattdessen spricht sein Engagement in der zeitgenössischen Auseinandersetzung zwischen plasmatischen und nucleo-zentrischen Theorien des Gedächtnisses für eine absichtsvolle Verwendung dieser machtvollen Rhetorik.This article deals with an aspect in the work of Sigmund Freud that lies at the heart of his psychoanalytical theory: the biological underpinnings of the “Kern unseres Wesens” . This is the phrasing Freud used in his first and his last description of the unconscious. Notwithstanding the centrality of this notion for both Freud's work and for the intertwined history of biology, brain research, and psychoanalysis, cytological aspects of ‘the core of our being’ remained untouched in the growing body of studies on his biological background. Before Freud began his career as a therapist, he spent over a decade working as a medical biologist. First in the laboratory of Ernst Wilhelm von Brücke, in the orbit of Hermann von Helmholtz's thought, and later in neurologist Theodor Meynert's laboratory, Freud focussed principally on the visualisation of cells. Amongst the over 100 articles Freud produced during these years we find a publication that presents pictures for the first time of what would decades later be accepted as ‘nuclear motility'. To describe what he observed, Freud used the common cytological term ‘Verdichtungen’ and introduced another – ‘Verschiebungen’ – in reference to the ‘Zellkern’ . These are essential terms which Freud would later use to describe the dreamwork of the unconscious. The fact that Freud presented his work as inspired by Darwin additionally invites investigation of the relationship between his visual experience of the ‘Zellkern’ and his concept of the “Kern unseres Wesens”. Freud's drawings and verbal images as metaphors of the ‘Kern’ are so intricately connected, that many of his metaphorical expressions could be taken as ontological. Freud consistently sought to contend the assumption that his psychoanalytical models were of material or biological import. Rather than having been driven by his existing biological preconceptions or observations without being aware of them, Freud's involvement in the contemporary debate between plasmatic and nuclear theories of memory suggests his deliberate use of this powerful rhetoric. (shrink)