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  1. (1 other version)Anarchy, State, and Utopia.Robert Nozick - 1974 - Philosophy 52 (199):102-105.
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  • Democracy and Disagreement.Amy Gutmann & Dennis Thompson - 1996 - Ethics 108 (3):607-610.
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  • Democratic Theory and Border Coercion.Arash Abizadeh - 2008 - Political Theory 36 (1):37-65.
    The question of whether or not a closed border entry policy under the unilateral control of a democratic state is legitimate cannot be settled until we first know to whom the justification of a regime of control is owed. According to the state sovereignty view, the control of entry policy, including of movement, immigration, and naturalization, ought to be under the unilateral discretion of the state itself: justification for entry policy is owed solely to members. This position, however, is inconsistent (...)
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  • Enfranchising all affected interests, and its alternatives.Robert E. Goodin - 2007 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 35 (1):40–68.
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  • Democracy's Domain.David Miller - 2009 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 37 (3):201-228.
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  • (1 other version)Self-refutation—a formal analysis.J. Mackie - 1964 - Philosophical Quarterly 14 (56):193-203.
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  • The Boundary Problem and the Ideal of Democracy.Eva Erman - 2014 - Constellations 21 (2):535-546.
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  • Distributive Justice.Tom Campbell & Julian Lamont - 2012 - Routledge.
    This volume of seminal and recent articles by philosophers in the distributive justice debate covers a range of representative positions, including libertarian, egalitarian, desert and welfare theories. The introduction and articles are designed to allow students and professionals to see some of the most influential pieces that have shaped the field, as well as some key critics of these positions. The articles intersect in such a way as to develop an appreciation of the types of theories and the central issues (...)
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  • Democracy's Sovereign Enclosures: Territory and the All‐affected Principle.Matt Whitt - 2014 - Constellations 21 (4):560-574.
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  • Vagueness, Borderline Cases and Moral Realism.Russ Shafer-Landau - 1995 - American Philosophical Quarterly 32 (1):83 - 96.
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  • Democracy as a non–instrumentally just procedure.Christopher Griffin - 2003 - Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (1):111–121.
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  • Disagreement, asymmetry, and liberal legitimacy.Jonathan Quong - 2005 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 4 (3):301-330.
    Reasonable people disagree deeply about the nature of the good life. But reasonable people also disagree fundamentally about principles of justice. If this is true, then why does political liberalism permit the state to act on reasons of justice, but not for reasons grounded in conceptions of the good life? There appears to be an indefensible asymmetry in the way political liberalism treats disagreements about justice and disagreements about the good life. This is the asymmetry objection to political liberalism. The (...)
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  • Waldron on law and disagreement.Thomas Christiano - 2000 - Law and Philosophy 19 (4):513-543.
    Waldron argues that recent treatments of justice have neglected reasonable disagreement about justice itself. So Waldron offers a procedural account of democratic legitimacy, in which contending views of justice can be brought together to arrive at a decision without deciding which one is correct. However, if there is reasonable disagreement about everything, then this includes his preferred account of legitimacy. On the other hand, it is not clear that Waldron is right to count so much disagreement as reasonable. But then (...)
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  • Justice, legitimacy, and constitutional rights.Wilfried Hinsch - 2010 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 13 (1):39-54.
    There is a tension between the idea of popular sovereignty and our understanding that basic constitutional rights and liberties have a normative authority which is independent from the results of democratic decision‐making procedures. On the one hand there is the claim that the content of political justice, at least as far as the basic liberties are concerned, is to be fixed solely by substantive moral and political argument, while on the other there is the claim that it is the people (...)
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  • Deciding the demos: three conceptions of democratic legitimacy.Ludvig Beckman - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (4):412-431.
    The prevailing view is that democratic procedures are unable to confer democratic legitimacy to decisions about democratic procedures. This paper examines this claim in detail and uses referendums on the inclusion of previously disenfranchised groups in the demos as a running example. The paper distinguishes between pure, imperfect and quasi-pure models of procedural democratic legitimacy and sub-versions of them. To various extents, each model does have the capacity to confer legitimacy to demos decisions under well-defined circumstances. The paper argues that (...)
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  • Disagreement and Legitimacy.Zoltan Miklosi & Andres Moles - 2014 - Res Publica 20 (1):1-8.
    Disagreement in politics is ubiquitous. People disagree about what makes a life worthy or well-lived. They disagree about what they owe to each other in terms of justice. They also disagree about the proper manner of dealing with the consequences of disagreement. What is more, they disagree about the normative significance of moral and political disagreement. Disagreement has been, for at least three decades now, the focus of a series of major works in political philosophy. It has been called one (...)
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  • Debate: Is everything really up for grabs? The relationship between democratic values and a democratic process.Joshua Kassner - 2006 - Journal of Political Philosophy 14 (4):482–494.
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