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This commentary argues that while Bourdieu and Wacquant make an important statement on the necessity of coming to grips with a discourse that has become increasingly popular in academic and less than academic circles, this is not a mere downward diffusion from the central halls of US imperialism. It is part and parcel of a massive transformation of the global system, one which has combined a shift in capital accumulation to East and Southeast Asia with a rapid increase of disorder (...) |
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In response to Bourdieu and Wacquant, I argue that American hegemony in setting the terms of debate on ethnicity and racism is nothing new, led in the first half of the century by US heterotopic intellectuals, immigrants, outsiders and descendants of slaves. Ironically, in the light of claims made by the authors, in the post-war era the debate is increasingly dominated by ex-imperial British and French postcolonial thinkers. The authors' disquiet is more explicable, however, if viewed against the background of (...) |
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During the last forty years, France has undergone a profound transformation, social, political, cultural and intellectual. This article locates Pierre Bourdieu's position on the French intellectual scene during these years. Analysing the relationship between general changes and Bourdieu's positions enables us to understand how the discussion of ideas can be perverted into a kind of sociological terrorism. |
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Research in Science and Technology Studies (STS) tends to presume that intellectual and political radicalism go hand in hand. One would therefore expect that the most intellectually radical movement in the field relates critically to its social conditions. However, this is not the case, as demonstrated by the trajectory of the Parisian School of STS spearheaded by Michel Callon and Bruno Latour. Their position, "actor-network theory," turns out to be little more than a strategic adaptation to the democratization of expertise (...) |
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`The Clothes Have No Emperor' (a title borrowed from Paul Slansky's hilarious critique of the Reagan years in the USA) means to say that Bourdieu's criticism of American imperialism is an understandable slip of his brilliant visual sociology. He writes to those of a disposition to agree completely because they know the facts all the better. Bourdieu may well be the only person alive today who has so perfectly combined theoretical, empirical and political work. Why then has he allowed this (...) |
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Are African and African-American Studies, as defined and practiced in the USA, tools of US cultural imperialism? Are discussions of race, racial inequality or racial oppression in other societies, when carried out by North Americans, to be viewed as `brutal ethnocentric intrusions'? These are among the central propositions of a vigorous polemic by two French sociologists, Pierre Bourdieu and Loïc Wacquant, in a 1999 article entitled `On the Cunning of Imperialist Reason'. As proof, Bourdieu and Wacquant call attention to the (...) |
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