Ever since its first publication in 1992, The End of History and the Last Man has provoked controversy and debate. Francis Fukuyama's prescient analysis of religious fundamentalism, politics, scientific progress, ethical codes, and war is as essential for a world fighting fundamentalist terrorists as it was for the end of the Cold War. Now updated with a new afterword, The End of History and the Last Man is a modern classic.

A modern, highly readable translation of a primary text in Western philosophy. Complete translation in English with introduction, notes and glossary. The glossary is keyed to the primary occurrences of important terms in the text and provides insights into the concepts beyond the translation, especially useful pedagogical device for students coming to Hegel for the first time. Focus Philosophical Library translations are close to and are non-interpretative of the original text, with the notes and a glossary intending to provide the (...) reader with some sense of the terms and the concepts as they were understood by Hegel’s immediate audience. (shrink)

This article follows the development of Merleau-Ponty’s political philosophy from his 1947 text, Humanism and Terror, through a number of essays in the Adventures of the Dialectic, to the Preface to Signs published in 1959. It shows the process by which Merleau-Ponty escaped the “grip of marxism” as a philosophy of history. It notes the link between his philosophy of history and the concrete historical events of his times, particularly the Russian Revolution and its degeneration into Stalinism. It suggests a (...) certain analogy between Merleau-Ponty’s reflection on the October Revolution and Kant’s reflection on the French Revolution. The notion of the universal class of the proletariat is the guiding thread in the analyses of both Merleau-Ponty’s proximity to marxism and the process by which he frees himself from its grip. We observe the role that this concept plays in Humanism and Terror and in the essays on Weber and Lukacs in the Adventure of the Dialectic where we eventually see its dissolution. It is argued that Merleau-Ponty arrives at a new conception of historical meaning which is neither totalizing or empiricist. The paper concludes by presenting an outline of the direction that his philosophy of history took after he extricated himself from marxism. This new philosophy took the form of a critical reflection on the role of the “notion of the hero” in 20th century political philosophy in general, particularly in Heidegger and Sartre. (shrink)

History ended, according to Hegel according to Kojève, with the establishment and proliferation in Europe of states organized along Napoleonic lines: rational, bureaucratic, homogenous, atheist. This state lives in some tension with the popular slogan that helped give it birth: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. But there is now also totalitarianism – the only new kind of regime, according to Arendt, created since the national state. Man is now in charge of nature, technology, and society; much of political life has become a (...) gavotte elaborating the meaning of the Napoleonic model. This interpretation, however opposed it seems to common sense, has been influential, particularly in France where the course of existentialism is unintelligible without taking it into account. Professor Cooper argues that it is inherently plausible and examines the arguments of Hegel and Kojève to reveal its consistency and explanatory power. And he applies it to more contemporary events – the experience of the atomic bomb, the Gulag system of extermination, and the growth of multinational corporations. The work concludes by pulling together the presuppositions and theories of the totalitarian system, the Hegelian version of the Napoleonic state, and our contemporary technological society. Overall, the reader will find here a complete and challenging presentation of how the modern world understands its collective life. (shrink)

Drawing on previously unexplored sources, Kerry H. Whiteside presents the political theory of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, one of France's best-known twentieth-century philosophers. Whiteside argues that Merleau-Ponty's objective in his political writings was to make existentialism into the foundation for a philosophically consistent mode of political thinking. This study discusses the inadequacies Merleau-Ponty found in the traditional philosophies of empiricism and idealism, and then examines the subject-object dualism that he believed deprived previous forms of existentialism of political significance. Whiteside shows how Merleau-Ponty (...) overcame these problems by grounding political reasoning in a theory of consciousness that emphasized both its individuality and its need for socially created meaning. After explaining Merleau-Ponty's modifications of the views of Sartre, Aron, and others, the book investigates how he applied his political theory in editorial exchanges with Communists and liberals. Throughout this study, Whiteside traces and criticizes the changes in the philosopher's concept of Marxism and points to his many ideas that bear on current controversies in political theory. Originally published in 1988. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905. (shrink)

The term intellectual first came into use at the turn of the century as a reproach to a group of writers who defended Dreyfus against the military and government of France. The role and status of the intellectual has been closely scrutinized and fiercely disputed ever since--and not only in France. Intellectual movements emanating from Paris have repeatedly crossed the Atlantic in great waves. In Agonies of the Intellectual Allan Stoekl sorts out the theoretical foundations of the French intellectual from (...) Emile Durkheim, a founder of modern sociology, through the interbellum communists, the postwar ex-istentialists, and the recent structuralists, deconstructionists, and postmodernists. He treats the works of Paul Nizan, Drieu la Rochelle, Jean-Paul Sartre, Jean Paulhan, Georges Bataille, Maurice Blanchot, Michel Foucault, Paul de Man, Jacques Derrida, and Jean Baudrillard. Taking as his starting point Durkheim's thesis that modern intellectuals are "secular clerics," Stoekl differentiates them from the older traditions of priests, philosophes, and academics. His concern is the very real crisis of duty felt by intellectuals who have demonstrated their agony not only in print but also in confrontation, wartime resistance, or collaboration. They have agonized about their powers, their responsibilities, and their relations to other people. Agonies of the Intellectual looks hard at the difficult intersection of thought and act: decision. (shrink)

A collection of newly translated writings by the French sociologist and surrealist.