In a long-term transformation, that begins in Antiquity but takes a crucial turn in the Renaissance anatomies, the “fibre” becomes from around 1750 the operative building block and at the same time the first unifying principle of function-structure-complexes of organic bodies. It occupies the role that the cell takes up in the cell œconomies of the second third of the nineteenth century. In this paper, I will first discuss some key notions, technical analogies, and images that are related to “fibre”-concepts (...) from Andreas Vesalius to Albrecht von Haller and then focus on Charles Bonnet's and Denis Diderot's fibre œconomies. In Bonnet's and Diderot's fibre œconomies, the self-active, regulating properties of fibre-agents and their material structures, that reach from fibre bundles, tissues and membranes to apparati of organs, are united within the concrete whole of individual organized “systems” or “networks.”. (shrink)

This essay examines the sanitary policies for the protection of overseas communities that Italian fascism employed during the empire. From 1935–1936, the vast scale of the Ethiopian campaign, as well as intensive colonisation programmes, gave new political visibility to the issue of safeguarding Italian settlers from the risks of the tropical climate. In this period, the problem of how Italians could adapt to overseas environments moved beyond the boundaries of scientific discussion to become a major concern of colonial rule. Analysing (...) both the medical literature and archival sources, this essay examines the concepts and practices that underpinned the fascist project for the “reclamation” of the empire: from the intensification of hygienic propaganda, to the redefinition of the medical-geographical boundaries of tropical risk, and to the expansion of social security benefits, which were extended to harms caused by tropical diseases. Finally, it investigates how the notion of acclimatisation was transformed within the context of the regime's imperial ideology, showing how the conception of the tropics as a pathogenic space remained widespread, fuelled by the regime's organicistic vision and its concerns for upholding the racial prestige of Italians in the colony. (shrink)

The stigmatisation of the gecekondu in post-1945 Turkey is a common theme in the literature. However, these studies have drawn little connection with health issues, even though these are known to be important in the mechanisms of stigmatisation. Policies for tuberculosis (TB) control—then Turkey's “number one health issue”—have tended to focus on individual and biological factors, to the detriment of social or environmental ones that could contribute to making TB a matter of politics and not only of policies. A close (...) study of the practices of the numerous TB-control actors nevertheless reveals an entanglement of the social, the environmental, and the medical questions. Through the emblematic but unknown case study of the TB-control pilot area created in Zeytinburnu in 1961, this article studies discourses, but also graphic representations, portraying the gecekondu as unhealthy, revealing an underlying environmental conception of TB among Turkish public health actors. The choice of Istanbul's biggest gecekondu neighbourhood to be a pilot area originated from a common conception of the gecekondu areas as pathogenic, but also contributed to reinforcing this vision and adding it to the very definition of the gecekondu. It thus participated in the stigmatisation of these areas and their inhabitants, even if some of the study's conclusions undermined the common vision of the gecekondu as populated by poor, rural migrants. However, the pilot project was also conceived as a way to integrate the inhabitants into the modern city. The “pilot” character of the area, if characteristic of the vocabulary of the 1960s, which were also the time of the attempt to “socialise the health services” in Turkey, is questionable. The project displayed a desire to know and control this specific territory rather than a genuine promotion of broader environmental changes to be replicated on a national scale. (shrink)

By the end of the 1820s, an innovative product was introduced in the northern Italian editorial market: technical and popular periodicals offering “useful knowledge” to a larger audience composed of members of the provincial middle-class, clergymen, and modestly educated craftsmen. By examining their medical content, this paper shows that popularisation did not merely entail disseminating a set of stable, unanimous, and trustworthy medical doctrines; rather, it represented a crucial step in the making of science during a period in which medical (...) theories were still various and contradictory. Moreover, it demonstrates that the environmental and preventative approach to disease, which these medical contributors often employed, did reflect recent developments in chemical or physical knowledge and responded to pedagogical and informative goals; but it mostly served to affirm the social usefulness of medicine and the legitimacy of health professionals' participation in determining how to regulate more general epidemiologic, social, and political issues. (shrink)

During the Italian campaigns of the French Revolutionary Wars (1796–1801), several epidemic outbreaks sparked acrimonious aetiological debates: were the fevers spread by soldiers and prisoners of war, or produced by environmental factors? This debate was not only a scientific issue, but also a political one, for causation was linked to accountability. Looking at a series of medical investigations written by French military practitioners, this paper argues that theories of contagion were used by civilians to accuse the army of spreading disease, (...) in what I describe as an “aetiology of blame.” Likewise, military officials attempted to absolve themselves of responsibility for the spread of disease by focusing on unwholesome environments, depicting diseases as unavoidable fatalities. Military doctors thus supported French imperial endeavours by obscuring the army's responsibility for the spread of diseases, putting forward aetiologies of fate and blaming individual behaviour. Even when they did not radically dismiss contagionist perspectives, military practitioners insisted on a wide range of pathogenic causes. Their discourses were in line with medical theories of the time, but they downplayed the responsibility of the army for the spread of diseases, which they depicted as a factor among others. Military doctors were thus not always involved in the direct and deliberate production of ignorance, but they did sustain controversies and uncertainty. (shrink)

That there was a ‘Bacteriological Revolution’ in medicine in the late nineteenth-century, associated with the development of germ theories of disease, is widely assumed by historians; however, the notion has not been defined, discussed or defended. In this article a characterisation is offered in terms of four linked rapid and radical changes: a series of discoveries of the specific causal agents of infectious diseases and the introduction of Koch’s Postulates; a reductionist and contagionist turn in medical knowledge and practice; greater (...) authority for experimental laboratory methods in medicine; the introduction and success of immunological products. These features are then tested against developments in four important but previously neglected diseases: syphilis, leprosy, gonorrhoea and rabies. From these case-studies I conclude that the case for a Bacteriological Revolution in late nineteenth-century medicine in Britain remains unproven. I suggest that historians have read into the 1880s changes that occurred over a much longer period, and that while there were significant shifts in ideas and practices over the decade, the balance of continuities and changes was quite uneven across medicine. My argument is only for Britain; in other countries the rate and extent of change may have been different. (shrink)

It is customary to regard ‘tropical medicine’ as a product of the late nineteenth century, ‘its instrument the microscope, its epistemology the germ theory of disease’. The accepted interpretation is that tropical medicine was a European concept: originating in Britain and France and exported to the colonies by pioneering medical scientists. This interpretation is useful inasmuch as ‘tropical medicine’ as a discipline with its own journals, institutions, qualifications, and an exclusive discourse did not emerge until the last decade of the (...) nineteenth century, and partly in response to metropolitan imperatives. But the European perspective of existing histories of ‘tropical medicine’ has obscured important developments in the understanding of diseases in the tropics which took place prior to 1890; most of which occurred in the colonies themselves – and especially in India. In order to distinguish this body of knowledge from its later, institutional incarnation, it will be referred to here as ‘tropical hygiene’: the term most commonly used by medical men in India until the 1890s. (shrink)