In order for the liberalization and increase of international trade, the free trade agreement is generally deemed a most useful instrumentality within the region. Under the WTO regime, we can see that a plethora of FTA arrangements are negotiated, come into the treaty laws, as well as operate to regulate the binational or tri-national trade disputes on the regional basis. As most typical and frequented in FTAs, they usually include an arbitration and binational panel procedure as a dispute settlement mechanics. (...) In many aspects, the procedures prescribed in most of FTAs could be apposite that most effectively and cheaply handle the disputes arising from the specific binational or trinational treaties. On the other hand, they could offer a chance to avoid the constitutional musters merely because diplomacy, international negotiation, ratification of treaties and approval of them traditionally fall within the powers of Congress or Executive under the separation of powers principle. This paper examined the legal issues as focused upon the NAFTA ch. 19, ch. 11 and US constitution. The chapters instituted the binational panel procedure dealing with the anti-dumping or counter measures as of subsidies, as well as legal dispute from the binational investment arrangements. From the consitutional viewpoint, we can be aware that the chapters could expressly contravene the Article III of original jurisdiction, Eleventh amendment of state sovereignty, and limitations of the treaty making powers inherent in the separation of powers principle. Given the overriding feature of such treaty clauses, the treaty should be ratified through the form of constitutional amendment, which requires a more stern step over most of the civilized constitutional states. The constitution is a supreme law in land, and represents a popular sovereignty as sheerly distinguished from the constitutional function of normal branches. When the special mechanics of dispute settlement may adopt an option of forum for escape, it is viewed that its unconstitutionality could yet be cured because the constitutional language of Article III original jurisdiction is considered mandatory or exclusive. I believe that the constitutional amendment procedure only could properly dispose such arrangements. While some areas of the presidential powers are deemed not subject to constitutional review as resorted upon the doctrine of political question or judicial self-restraint, the current jurisprudence gradually finds some limitations on the presidential power of foreign affairs including the treaty or war making provisions. As for a would-be treaty party of FTA, the constitutional issues raised in US is not entirely irrelevant to the Korean case ahead. (shrink)

The United States (U.S.) and Jordan launched negotiations for a free trade agreement in 2000.The US-JO FTA includes a preamble, nineteen articles, three annexes, joint statements, memorandums of understanding, and side letters. In addition to the interesting articles on labor and environment, the US-JO FTA provides the opportunity for Jordanian nationals to come to the U.S. to make investments and participate in trade. Under certain conditions, Jordanian nationals can enter the U.S. to render professional services. The purpose of this article (...) is to examine in detail article 8 of the US-JO FTA which relates to entry of nationals of one party into the territory of the other. The article starts by providing a brief background of the negotiation and conclusion of the US-JO FTA. Then, the article analyzes in detail the specific provision related to temporary entry of nationals. The article draws a comparison between US-JO FTA with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the more recent trade agreements between the U.S., Oman, Bahrain, and Morocco. Finally, the article observes that although the US-JO FTA, like all US FTAs, is designed to permit temporary entry, without intent to establish permanent residence, of persons, the U.S. should have provided Jordan with special and differential treatment for entry of its nationals. Taking into account the special circumstances of Jordan as a developing country with low-income status, high unemployment rate, and lack of resources, movement of business visitors, investors, intra-company transferees, and professionals should have been dealt with leniency so that the FTA could generate effective and real market access. (shrink)

From the traditionalist position on international law, a new form of compact agreement, which cannot be classified as an international treaty in terms of academic framework, had long fueled much of contention in politics, international law, and constitutional law. A growing practice of compact agreement had been natural as corresponding with the global compression of international community and rising aspiration of peace regime on the international relations. The scholars of international law believe that, regardless of whether the President of the (...) United States is an internationalist or an isolationist, the enactment of international law in the 21st century will be based on more pragmatic rather than formal criteria. It is still true whether or not he is willing to accept or escape the international obligations so that we can more realistically share the powers conferred by the Constitution. On the other hand, a constitutional controversy on somewhat mushy yet sophisticated issues on the compact agreements began with the Laurence Tribe's acrimonious criticism in 1990. He argues that a procedure between Congress and the executive branch for the Clinton administration's accession to the North American Free Trade Agreement(NAFTA) is unconstitutional. His criticism pointed out that the NAFTA is unconstitutional since it is contrary to the text and structure of the Constitution. On the other hand, scholars of political science believe that, while a politics is termed as the distribution of values, the new form of compact agreement serves connecting the domestic and international politics as a living organism and must be affirmed from the standpoint of parliamentary politics. The political scientists argue on the necessity and inevitability of a new form of international agreement as pursuant to the nature of political process on informal procedures and parliamentary practices. In respect of the theoretical controversy, the paper is devoted to survey what the new form of compact agreement is, what types we can identify and explore the theoretical contest among the disciplines. As the dealings of paper attempt to touch on the core of scholarly assertions as fundamental and philosophical, the endeavor could inculcate the mind of international lawyers within and outside the government by providing a better framework to understand the specific real-world issues. The perception and rationale for the new form of international agreement should differ varying with their academic disciplines from which their thought stems from. The paper ends with implications within the grand scale of jurisprudence. (shrink)

The global economy has showed progress in terms of a new reign of multilateral cooperation represented by the World Trade Organization (WTO). On the other hand. regional integration creates economic benefits as illustrated by the creation of the EU and NAFTA. East Asia has also seriously pursued prospects for economic integration. producing considerable successes thus far. A Free Trade Agreement is a useful tool to assist in this evolution of trade relations. and South Korea. one of the major economies (...) in East Asia. is uniquely situated to play a significant role in future negotiations. From this perspective. this paper surveys the global structure and organization of international trade. problems of regional economic integration emphasizing East Asia. and attempts to articulate a plausible South Korean strategy. (shrink)