Articles

According to the DP hypothesis, the merger of a determiner and a noun yields a determiner phrase (DP) rather than a noun phrase (nP). Focusing on Spanish, I defend the DP hypothesis but reject the notion that argumenthood is contingent upon a DP layer. Instead, I maintain that arguments can be as small as nP provided that they are c-commanded by a verb or a preposition, in which case the variables that they introduce are bound through a last-resort operation of (...) existential closure. I then consider the ways in which functional projections above nP shape the denotation of nominal arguments and adopt Borer’s (2005) view that a division phrase (DivP) is responsible for countability. Nonplural indefinite expressions can either have mass or singular readings depending on the determiner ("mucho tomate" 'much tomato' versus "un tomate" 'a tomato'), whereas nonplural definite expressions can have both mass and singular readings no matter the determiner ("el/este/mi tomate" 'the/this/my tomato'). I attribute the systematic ambiguity of nonplural definite expressions to the absence of DivP in their structure and the maximality operator that is a component of definiteness. -/- Throughout the thesis, I explore the formal representation of φ-features and how their semantic behaviour is conditioned by their syntactic position. I propose that gender features have consequences for interpretation when they are hosted by Panagiotidis’s (2019) animacy phrase (AnimP) but not by nP and extend this argument to number features on DivP versus nP, thereby eliminating the need for "interpretable" and "uninterpretable" versions of the same feature. As for pronouns, it is not immediately apparent where they are generated in Spanish because they are not mutually exclusive with the definite article ("nosotros los cocineros" 'we the chefs'). After upholding Höhn’s (2016, 2017) claim that pronouns originate in a dedicated person phrase (πP) in languages that use the definite article in pronoun-noun constructions, I address the issue of the third-person gap ("*ellos los cocineros" 'they the chefs') and argue that third-person pronouns are forms that realize π, D, Div, Anim, and n, a configuration that prevents other material from occupying these same heads. (shrink)

The need for the definite article to express a singular kind ("the cat") in the Germanic languages is predicted by Borer's (2005) structural approach to the mass-count distinction. Chierchia's (1998) "down" operator can apply to nPs to derive mass kinds ("rice") and to DivPs to derive plural kinds ("cats"), but there is no determinerless structure that exclusively denotes properties of atomic individuals to which this same operator can apply to derive singular kinds. The only alternative is the process that Chierchia (...) proposes for plural kinds in Romance, where the definite article returns a maximal individual that can be intensionalized into a kind. In articleless languages like Mandarin, this account allows for a universal property-denoting denotation of nP and simultaneously captures the fact that singular kinds have the same distribution as mass kinds. (shrink)

This paper contributes to the debate regarding the semantic type of singular referential names. According to one view, known as referentialism, names rigidly designate individuals (Kripke 1972, Abbott 2002, Leckie 2013, Jeshion 2015, Schoubye 2017). According to another view, known as predicativism, names designate properties of individuals (Burge 1973, Geurts 1997, Bach 2002, Elbourne 2005, Matushansky 2008, Fara 2015). Most predicativist accounts claim that bare names in English occur with a phonologically null determiner, a proposal that is based on languages (...) like Greek where names require a determiner in argument position. Novel data from both English and Greek show that names can be nonrigid designators under modal operators ("Aristotle may teach Socrates") and bound variables under quantifiers ("in every set of twins, Helen is a musician"), challenging referentialism. As for rigidity, one possible source of this phenomenon is the proprial article, a name-specific determiner found in Catalan and other languages that may be null in English and homophonous with the definite article in Greek (Ghomeshi and Massam 2009, Muñoz 2019, Izumi and Erickson 2021). While much further research is needed, the data suggest that the proper analysis of names is grounded in predicativism rather than referentialism. (shrink)

I present data that suggest the universal entailments of counterfactual donkey sentences aren’t as universal as some have claimed. I argue that this favors the strategy of attributing these entailments to a special property of the similarity ordering on worlds provided by some contexts, rather than to a semantically encoded sensitivity to assignment.