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  1. A Critical Commentary On Kukathas's "Two Constructions Of Libertarianism".J. C. Lester - 2012 - Libertarian Papers 4 (2):77-88.
    Kukathas’s proposed libertarian dilemma is introduced and two key criticisms of it stated. The following critical commentary then makes several main points. Kukathas’s account of libertarianism offers no theory of liberty at all, nor a coherent account of aggression. Consequently, he cannot see that his “Federation of Liberty” is not libertarian by a basic understanding of morals and non-invasive liberty, still less by a more precise theory of liberty. In trying to explain his “Union of Liberty,” Kukathas evinces considerable confusion (...)
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  • Beyond Marxist State Theory: State Autonomy in Democratic Societies.Samuel DeCanio - 2000 - Critical Review 14 (2-3):215-236.
    Abstract Recent theories of the state often draw attention to states? autonomy from social preferences. This paper suggests that the phenomenon of public ignorance is the primary mechanism responsible for state autonomy in democratic polities. Such theorists as Skocpol and Poulantzus, who do not take account of public ignorance, either underestimate the state's autonomy or stress causal mechanisms that are necessary but not sufficient conditions for its autonomy. Gram?sci's concept of ideological hegemony is promising, even though it is far too (...)
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  • Bringing the State Back in … Again.Samuel DeCanio - 2000 - Critical Review 14 (2-3):139-146.
    Abstract Previous scholarship on states? autonomy from the interests of society has focused primarily on nondemocratic societies, raising the question of whether ?state theory? is relevant to modern states. Public?opinion research documenting the ignorance of mass polities suggests that modern states may be as autonomous as, or more autonomous than, premodern states. Premodern states? autonomy was secured by their ability to suppress societal dissent by force of arms. Modern states may have less recourse to overt coercion because the very thing (...)
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  • Ignorant Armies: The State, the Public, and the Making of Foreign Policy.Earl C. Ravenal - 2000 - Critical Review 14 (2-3):327-374.
    Abstract A state's foreign policy is constrained by parameters that inhere in the structure of the international system and in the nation's own political?constitutional, social, and economic systems. The latter, domestic parameters, include ?public opinion.? Because the public is largely ignorant of foreign affairs, policy?making elites have wide scope for acting more rationally than would otherwise be possible, although public opinion operates on the second?order effects of foreign policy (e.g., taxes, casualties)?inviting mismatches of objectives and means. The prevalent nonrational theories (...)
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  • Taking Ignorance Seriously: Rejoinder to Critics.Jeffrey Friedman - 2006 - Critical Review 18 (4):467-532.
    In ?Popper, Weber, and Hayek,? I claimed that the economic and political world governed by social democracy is too complex to offer hope for rational social?democratic policy making. I extrapolated this conclusion from the claim, made by Austrian?school economists in the 1920s and 30s, that central economic planning would face insurmountable ?knowledge problems.? Israel Kirzner's Reply indicates the need to keep the Austrians? cognitivist argument conceptually distinct from more familiar incentives arguments, which can tacitly reintroduce the assumption of omniscience against (...)
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  • Ignorance as a Starting Point: From Modest Epistemology to Realistic Political Theory.Jeffrey Friedman - 2007 - Critical Review 19 (1):1-22.
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  • Hayek and Liberty.Andrew Gamble - 2013 - Critical Review 25 (3-4):342-363.
    Hayek's political theory is directed against coercion, which he defines as the intentional control of one person by another. The element of personal intention ensures a clear conceptual distinction between the freedom from coercion—i.e., the “liberty”—that is exercised in the private sphere, and the freedom of choice and opportunity that may be severely constrained by the impersonal, unintentional operation of market forces. Hayek's narrow definitions of coercion and liberty therefore suggest that he was more intent on defending the benefits conferred (...)
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  • Libertarian Natural Rights.Siegfried van Duffel - 2004 - Critical Review 16 (4):353-375.
    Non-consequentialist libertarianism usually revolves around the claim that there are only “negative,” not “positive,” rights. Libertarian nega- tive-rights theories are so patently problematic, though, that it seems that there is a more fundamental notion at work. Some libertarians think this basic idea is freedom or liberty; others, that it is self-ownership. Neither approach is satis- factory.
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  • Absolute Freedom of Contract: Grotian Lessons for Libertarians.Jeppe von Platz - 2013 - Critical Review 25 (1):107-119.
    Libertarians often rely on arguments that subordinate the principle of liberty to the value of its economic consequences. This invites the question of what a pure libertarian theory of justice?one that takes liberty as its overriding concern?would look like. Grotius's political theory provides a template for such a libertarianism, but it also entails uncomfortable commitments that can be avoided only by compromising the principle of liberty. According to Grotius, each person should be free to decide how to act as long (...)
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  • Altruism, Righteousness, and Myopia.T. Clark Durant & Michael Weintraub - 2011 - Critical Review 23 (3):257-302.
    ABSTRACT Twenty years ago Leif Lewin made the case that altruistic motives are more common than selfish motives among voters, politicians, and bureaucrats. We propose that motives and beliefs emerge as reactions to immediate feedback from technical-causal, material-economic, and moral-social aspects of the political task environment. In the absence of certain kinds of technical-causal and material-economic feedback, moral-social feedback leads individuals to the altruism Lewin documents, but also to righteousness (moralized regard for the in-group and disregard for the out-group) and (...)
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  • Capitalism and the Jewish Intellectuals.Jeffrey Friedman & Shterna Friedman - 2011 - Critical Review 23 (1-2):169-194.
    In Capitalism and the Jews, Jerry Z. Muller attempts to resolve Milton Friedman's paradox: Why is it that Jewish intellectuals have been so hostile to capitalism even though capitalism has so greatly benefited the Jews? In one chapter Muller answers, in effect, that Jewish intellectuals have not been anticapitalist. Elsewhere, however, Muller implicitly explains the leftist tendencies of most intellectuals?Jewish and gentile?by unspooling the anticapitalist thread in the main lines of Western thought, culminating in Marx but by no means ending (...)
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  • The Libertarian Straddle: Rejoinder to Palmer and Sciabarra.Jeffrey Friedman - 1998 - Critical Review 12 (3):359-388.
    Abstract Palmer's defense of libertarianism as consequentialist runs afoul of his own failure to provide any consequentialist reasons for libertarian conclusions, and of his own defense of nonconsequentialist arguments for the intrinsic value of capitalism?cum?negative freedom. As suck, Palmer's article exemplifies the parasitic codependency of consequentialist and nonconsequentialist reasoning in libertarian thought. Sciabarra's defense of Ayn Rand's libertarianism is even more problematic, because in addition to the usual defects of libertarianism, Rand adds a commitment to ethical egoism that contradicts both (...)
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  • What's Not Wrong with Libertarianism: Reply to Friedman.Tom G. Palmer - 1998 - Critical Review 12 (3):337-358.
    Abstract In his critique of modern libertarian thinking, Jeffrey Friedman (1997) argues that libertarian moral theory makes social science irrelevant. However, if its moral claims are hypothetical rather than categorical imperatives, then economics, history, sociology, and other disciplines play a central role in libertarian thought. Limitations on human knowledge necessitate abstractly formulated rules, among which are claims of rights. Further, Friedman's remarks on freedom rest on an erroneous understanding of the role of definitions in philosophy, and his characterization of the (...)
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  • G. A. Cohen on Self‐Ownership, Property, and Equality.Tom G. Palmer - 1998 - Critical Review 12 (3):225-251.
    Abstract G.A. Cohen has produced an influential criticism of libertarian?ism that posits joint ownership of everything in the world other than labor, with each joint owner having a veto right over any potential use of the world. According to Cohen, in that world rationality would require that wealth be divided equally, with no differential accorded to talent, ability, or effort. A closer examination shows that Cohen's argument rests on two central errors of reasoning and does not support his egalitarian conclusions, (...)
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  • Are We All Dialecticians Now? Reply to MacGregor and Friedman.Chris Matthew Sciabarra - 1998 - Critical Review 12 (3):283-299.
    Abstract In his critique of Ayn Rand: The Russian Radical, David MacGregor argues that my book trivializes dialectical method. He fails to notice the many nondialectical assumptions that pervade contemporary social theory and practice. Dialectics, as a context?sensitive methodological orientation, can provide tools for a better grasp of systems and processes in the real world?the goal, as I understand it, of the ?post?libertarian? approach Jeffrey Friedman advocates.
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  • Truth-Telling, Decision-Making, and Ethics Among Cancer Patients in Nursing Practice in China.Dong-Lan Ling, Hong-Jing Yu & Hui-Ling Guo - 2019 - Nursing Ethics 26 (4):1000-1008.
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  • After Democracy, Bureaucracy? Rejoinder to Ciepley.Jeffrey Friedman - 2000 - Critical Review 14 (1):113-137.
    Abstract In a certain sense, voluntary communities and market relationships are relatively less coercive than democracy and bureaucracy: they offer more positive freedom. In that respect, they are more like romantic relationships or friendships than are democracies and bureaucracies. This tends to make voluntary communities and markets not only more pleasant forms of interaction, but more effective ones?contrary to Weber's confidence in the superior rationality of bureaucratic control.
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  • Getting Rights Right: Reply to Van Duffel.G. E. Morton - 2009 - Critical Review 21 (1):109-116.
    In “Libertarian Natural Rights,” Siegfried Van Duffel endeavors to illuminate shortcomings in libertarian defenses of natural‐rights theory. Noting that defenses based on freedom beg the question, Van Duffel explores whether libertarians can find salvation in the concept of the sovereignty of the will, and concludes that this approach leads to incoherence. But because his arguments ignore the actual moral basis of natural rights, they at best fell a straw man, not libertarianism. They do, however, call into question the viability of (...)
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  • The Libertarian Nonaggression Principle.Matt Zwolinski - 2016 - Social Philosophy and Policy 32 (2):62-90.
    Libertarianism is a controversial political theory. But it is often presented as a resting upon a simple, indeed commonsense, moral principle. The libertarian “Non-Aggression Principle” (NAP) prohibits aggression against the persons or property of others, and it is on this basis that the libertarian opposition to redistributive taxation, legal paternalism, and perhaps even the state itself is thought to rest. This paper critically examines the NAP and the extent to which it can provide support for libertarian political theory. It identifies (...)
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