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  1. Shared intentions, public reason, and political autonomy.Blain Neufeld - 2019 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 49 (6):776-804.
    John Rawls claims that public reasoning is the reasoning of ‘equal citizens who as a corporate body impose rules on one another backed by sanctions of state power’. Drawing on an amended version of Michael Bratman’s theory of shared intentions, I flesh out this claim by developing the ‘civic people’ account of public reason. Citizens realize ‘full’ political autonomy as members of a civic people. Full political autonomy, though, cannot be realised by citizens in societies governed by a ‘constrained proceduralist’ (...)
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  • (1 other version)Coercion and public justification.Colin Bird - 2014 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 13 (3):189-214.
    According to recently influential conceptions of public reasoning, citizens have the right to demand of each other ‘public justifications’ for controversial political action. On this view, only arguments that all reasonable citizens can affirm from within their diverse ethical standpoints can count as legitimate justifications for political action. Both proponents and critics often assume that the case for this expectation derives from the special justificatory burden created by the systematically coercive character of political action. This paper challenges that assumption. While (...)
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  • Self-defeat and the foundations of public reason.Sameer Bajaj - 2017 - Philosophical Studies 174 (12):3133-3151.
    At the core of public reason liberalism is the idea that the exercise of political power is legitimate only if based on laws or political rules that are justifiable to all reasonable citizens. Call this the Public Justification Principle. Public reason liberals face the persistent objection that the Public Justification Principle is self-defeating. The idea that a society’s political rules must be justifiable to all reasonable citizens is intensely controversial among seemingly reasonable citizens of every liberal society. So, the objection (...)
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  • Rawlsian Theory and the Circumstances of Politics.Andrew Mason - 2010 - Political Theory 38 (5):658-683.
    Can Rawlsian theory provide us with an adequate response to the practical question of how we should proceed in the face of widespread and intractable disagreement over matters of justice? Recent criticism of ideal theorizing might make us wonder whether this question highlights another way in which ideal theory can be too far removed from our non-ideal circumstances to provide any practical guidance. Further reflection on it does not show that ideal theory is redundant, but it does indicate that there (...)
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  • High Stakes Instrumentalism.John Halstead - 2017 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 20 (2):295-311.
    In this paper, I aim to establish that, according to almost all democratic theories, instrumentalist considerations often dominate intrinsic proceduralist considerations in our decisions about whether to make extensive use of undemocratic procedures. The reason for this is that almost all democratic theorists, including philosophers commonly thought to be intrinsic proceduralists, accept ‘High Stakes Instrumentalism’. According to HSI, we ought to use undemocratic procedures in order to prevent high stakes errors - very substantively bad or unjust outcomes. However, democratically produced (...)
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  • Democratic Legitimacy, Legal Expressivism, and Religious Establishment.Simon Căbulea May - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (2):219-238.
    I argue that some instances of constitutional religious establishment can be consistent with an expressivist interpretation of democratic legitimacy. Whether official religious endorsements disparage or exclude religious minorities depends on a number of contextual considerations, including the philosophical content of the religion in question, the attitudes of the majority, and the underlying purpose of the official status of the religious doctrine.
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  • Reciprocity and Liberal Legitimacy.Blain Neufeld - 2010 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 4 (2):1-8.
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  • The politics of religious freedom.Jon Mahoney - 2017 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 43 (6):551-570.
    The aim of this article is to consider the prospects of a liberal conception of religious freedom in some Muslim-majority states. Part I offers a brief sketch of three approaches to religious freedom that inform my view. Part II then presents a liberal framework for religious toleration that draws ideas from Rainer Forst’s Toleration in Conflict, as well as some perennial themes in classical liberal thought. I briefly examine three case studies in Part III: the Turkish Republic; the Arab Spring (...)
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  • Beyond Establishment and Separation: Political Liberalism, Religion and Democracy.Matteo Bonotti - 2012 - Res Publica 18 (4):333-349.
    Does John Rawls’s political liberalism require the institutional separation between state and religion or does it allow space for moderate forms of religious establishment? In this paper I address this question by presenting and critically evaluating Cécile Laborde’s recent claim that political liberalism is ‘inconclusive about the public place of religion’ and ‘indeterminate about the symbolic dimensions of the public place of religion’. In response to Cécile Laborde, I argue that neither moderate separation nor moderate establishment, intended as regimes of (...)
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  • Divinitia, Apostolica, Kazanistania : la guidance religieuse est-elle soluble dans le libéralisme?Stéphane Chauvier - 2019 - ThéoRèmes 15 (15).
    We compare three sub-utopias, representing various degrees of control of the religious on the civil life of a society : Rawls’s Kazanistan, May’s Apolistica and Laborde’s Divinitia. We intend to show that, contrary to what Laborde argues in Liberalism’s Religion, Divinitia cannot count, even at a low degree, as a member of the family of liberal societies.
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  • Rawls and the Problem of Honour.Kevin W. Gray - 2012 - Philosophia 40 (2):213-222.
    In this paper, I consider the difficult relationship between Rawls, religion and the values that religious believers might consider important in order to lead the good life. Contrary to many of Rawls’ defenders, I argue that at least some of the values that religious citizens are likely to hold cannot be accounted for under Rawls’ theory or under his conception of the good life. I argue that the model of goods which Rawls takes to be part of a thin theory (...)
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  • Meysam Badamchi, Post-Islamist Political Theory: Iranian Intellectuals and Political Liberalism in Dialogue. [REVIEW]Kevin W. Gray - 2020 - Critical Research on Religion 8 (3):327-331.
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