The politics of the Anthropocene has been widely debated within recent sociological theory. This article seeks to argue that Marxism, critical theory and especially the work of Herbert Marcuse have a great deal to contribute to these debates. Here, I seek to link together the recent revival of interest in the idea of the commons by the alter-globalisation movement and Marxist social theory in an attempt to challenge some of the dominant assumptions in respect of the nature/culture division and the (...) neoliberal dominance of mainstream politics. The more critical politics of the commons would suggest both a radical politics fit for the twenty-first century and a way of understanding the environmental crisis located within critical understandings of the histories of capitalism and social movements. This is suggestive of a civilisation-based politics focused on questions of emancipation informed by political economy, a critique of the dominant consumer society and culture rather than questions of deconstruction. In the final section, I seek to explore how Marcuse’s concerns remain linked to contemporary global ethical movements for change. (shrink)

This article seeks to analyze the theory of technology formulated by the philosopher Herbert Marcuse (1898–1979). It shows the ways in which the author repurposes fundamental concepts of classical aesthetics in order to formulate a theory of technology aimed at liberating both nature and humanity. To this end, we argue that Marcuse mobilizes the theories of Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) and Friedrich Schiller (1759–1805). In the first part of the article, we tackle some important aspects of Kant’s and Schiller’s aesthetic theories. (...) We begin with an analysis of Kant’s Critique of the Power of Judgment (1790), focusing on central concepts that would later be absorbed by Schiller and Marcuse. Next, we try to show the reception of the Third critique in Schiller’s On the Aesthetic Education of Man (1795) and this author’s contribution to aesthetic studies within political thought. In the second part, we focus on Marcuse’s work, highlighting two key moments in his analysis on technology. We show that his theory undergoes transformation and development until it reaches its stable form in the 1960s and 1970s, during which the author proposes a new theory of technology based on human aesthetic possibilities whose goal is the liberation of nature. (shrink)

The aim of the paper is to investigate the connection between the Frankfurt School and the events of 1968. Accordingly, the paper focuses only on those important members of the School whose philosophical, ideological or practical influence on the events is clearly detectable. This means dealing with four thinkers in three sections: the influence of Adorno and Horkheimer is treated in the same section, whereas the work of Marcuse and Habermas is examined in separate sections. The three sections represent three (...) different approaches. Adorno and Horkheimer are passive onlookers of the events their passivity being rooted in their skeptical philosophical thinking. The initially also passive and pessimist Marcuse slowly rises to the role of the ’prophet’ of the students. And the early Habermas’ critical analysis paves the way for his initially pessimist, but later more optimistic reformist attitude. The paper is structured accordingly: after introductory thoughts, the mentioned thinkers are treated in separate sections that contain historo-philosophical analysis of their relevant works. (shrink)

The article consists of a re-examination of Marcuse’s Eros and Civilization in the light of continuing interest in that work. After a brief consideration of Marcuse’s attempt to use Freud to indict contemporary civilization, focusing on the concepts of surplus repression and guilt, the article turns to his utopian sketch of Eros as a culture builder and the reconciliation of reason and instinct. These themes, which form the focus of recent interest, are explored by examining Marcuse’s interpretation of Kant and (...) Schiller as well as Freud. In all cases Marcuse’s interpretation is shown to be flawed. The conclusion is that Marcuse’s attempt to indict established reason in the light of instinct and yet to hold out the prospect of a reconciliation of reason and instinct leads to an impoverished concept of both. (shrink)

La trayectoria intelectual de Marcuse está acompañada de un compromiso constante con las formas de la crítica filosófica heredadas de la tradición occidental, desde la forma en la cual aparece la negación de lo dado a través del diálogo socrático hasta la manera en que se configura la crítica del sistema capitalista en el siglo XX. Esto no quiere decir que Marcuse haya sido un erudito que absorbió y comprendió a cabalidad todos los sistemas e ideas filosóficas y que las (...) utilizó al servicio de su propia consideración crítica del mundo; más bien resalta que entre sus elaboraciones han estado presentes algunos de los contextos e ideas más potentes del pensamiento que ha entendido de manera crítica la estructura de las sociedades humanas. (shrink)

This article methodologically explores Erich Fromm’s theory of narcissism in socio-theoretical terms while referring to his theory of alienation. It thereby portrays the foundations of an analytical method of far-right politics in the context of capitalism and demonstrates that malignant narcissism touches off fascism without regard to authoritarianism. Essentially, the Freudian psychoanalytic concept of narcissism lies in Fromm’s social theory. However, it is possible to discern the theoretical essence of his social theory characteristically in his conception of alienation. By focusing (...) on this theoretical concern, I argue that in Fromm’s social theory the concept of narcissism works on a sociopathological level, particularly in the way in which it synchronises with alienation, a social phenomenon that fulfils its important functions in conjunction with the marketing orientation under the conditions of a market society, and therefore that the concept plays an overriding role in his theory of alienation. I conclude that the relevance of a Frommian critical social theory of narcissism for our society is best showcased by the concept of postfascism. (shrink)

This article reconstructs Herbert Marcuse’s first and widely ignored philosophical project, as set out in his texts published from 1928 to 1933. In these texts, Marcuse tried to put in dialogue ideas from Heidegger and Marx to articulate a dialectic phenomenology of historical existence. This attempt, of great originality and philosophical ambition, was marked by tensions arising from the peculiar status given to the ontology of historicity in a framework of thought that maintained strong links with Marx. By analysing this (...) early philosophical project of one of the icons of the international student movement, theoretical tensions can be detected, which clarify the subsequent approach of this thinker as a member of the so-called Frankfurt School. (shrink)

Problem setting. Today political sociology requires not only critical but also structural analysis of politics, creation of corresponding theoretical and methodological tool, one of major constituents of that there are research and prognostication of political relations and processes. Recent research and publications analysis. Actually political sociology as scientific direction was formed to the к middle of ХХ of century, when a few scientific schools consisted of study of cooperation of society and politics. Louis Althusser became the classics of political sociology (...) works of followers of marxism and representatives of Frankfort school of А. Gramsci, D. Lukács, and laid the foundation of its institualization as science. The deeper sociological analysis of political relations is contained in researches by R. Dahrendorf, M. Horkheimer, H. Marcuse, Т. Adorno, J. Habermas, І. Wallerstein, P. Bourdieu. Therefore, the рaper objective was creation of theoretical model of sociological analysis of political relations. Paper main body. Social relations are considered as such, that related to the necessity of general satisfaction of various social necessities, that, in obedience to the law of increase of necessities, is basis of development of society and providing of his integrity. Thus, a social sphere is a place cooperation of people, social behavior of that determines integrity of society. Political relations are related to the necessity of imperious settlement of social relations for the sake of their optimization in the process of achievement of general aims. Accordingly, political sphere - it the place of rivalry of people and task forces for a right to realize own interests by means of power. The functional component of the political system, that includes methods, methods, directions of development of political relations, is the political mode. As a worker there was select determination of prof. J.-L. Quermonne. He determined the political regime, as "... aggregate of elements of ideological, institutional and sociological order, that assist forming of political power of this country on a certain period". Our choice is base on that description of the political mode in any state determines the actual picture of principles of organization of political sphere of society. On the basis of content-analysis of publications of 10 Ukrainian electronic MASS-MEDIA and 8 official internet-portals of state and non-state organizations in 2018 the vector model of political relations that determine the political regime in modern Ukraine is worked out. The analysis carried out in the article allowed to reach the following conclusions of the research. Political relations form the core of any social system, regulate and counterbalance the centripetal and centrifugal forces that ensure its integrity and sustainable development. The research of these relations exclusively by political scientists artificially narrows the problem. Sociological analysis allows to reveal their static and dynamic characteristics, because on the basis of research of political situations determines political plots and predicts political changes. The combination of static and dynamic analysis principles can be compared with the process of creating video. Each individual character characterizes a certain socio-political situation, the main actors and the nature and conditions of their interaction, and the sequence of such personnel forms a complete systemic understanding of the "plot", the dynamics and basic parameters of socio-political processes and relations in society. (shrink)

Una visión crítica del totalitarismo es necesaria por la perseverancia de las condiciones que crearon el totalitarismo “clásico”, fenómeno que se puede percibir hoy en algunas regiones del Tercer Mundo. Es útil una clara distinción entre autoritarismo y totalitarismo, para luego analizar las posibilidades del totalitarismo derivadas del populismo carismático y de las rutinas despóticas de culturas no democráticas y antipluralistas. En el Tercer Mundo y a causa del proceso de modernización parcial, florecen ahora las patologías de la modernidad, que (...) acompañan el totalitarismo. (shrink)

This article presents Theodor W. Adorno's concept of education, the basis of which is critical self-reflection. It argues that a close reading of Adorno's various writings on education yields a theory of critical self-reflection that is not simply introspection but an analysis of the social totality. Beginning with Adorno's assessment of education within capitalism – which is always a critique of capitalism itself – the article moves through his concept of critical self-reflection, and concludes by reassessing his claim that an (...) education for critical self-reflection offers the strongest barrier to the recurrence of Auschwitz. (shrink)

This article traces a discontinuous tradition of council thought from the Dutch and German council communist tendencies of the 1920s to its re-emergence in the writings of three important mid-twentieth-century political theorists: Cornelius Castoriadis, Claude Lefort, and Hannah Arendt. It connects an intellectual history of the council concept in post-war Europe with a political history of the small revolutionary groups that fostered council-related political activity during this era. It claims that, as the experience of the European council movements began to (...) be interpreted within a new political context, this gave rise to several radically altered forms of council thought. In this more subjectivist and praxis-oriented tradition, the councils became a utopian placeholder for theorists to explore their particular interests in human creativity (Castoriadis), self-limiting power (Lefort), and political freedom (Arendt). This analysis develops our understanding of the continuities and ruptures of the council tradition within political thought. (shrink)

The paper presents the philosophical project outlined by Marcuse in his work Contributions to a phenomenology of historical materialism from three different points of view. First, it sketches the discussion context in which this work is placed. then, it explains the critical way in which Marcuse appropriates some of the topics developed in Being and time. Lastly, it indicates the reception that Heidegger made of this original interpretation of his own work.

When Herbert Marcuse's essay entitled “Repressive tolerance” was published in the mid-1960s it was trenchantly criticised because it was anti-democratic and defied the academic canon of value neutrality. Yet his argument is attracting renewed interest in the 21st century, particularly when, post 9/11, the thresholds or limits of tolerance are being contested. This article argues that Marcuse's original essay was concerned to problematise the dominant social understandings of tolerance at the time, which were more about insisting that individual citizens tolerate (...) government policy than governments encourage debate and dissent. The article shows how Marcuse attempted to demonstrate the social production of knowledge about tolerance, and how he diagnosed the social function performed by “impartiality” and “relativism”, and by “neutrality” and “objectivity”, which contributed to tolerance being repressive. In the sense that he was concerned about what counted socially as tolerance, and how it was socially defended and justified, his article can helpfully be conceived as an exercise in social epistemology. (shrink)