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Liberalism, Community, and Culture

Noûs 26 (4):548-550 (1992)

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  1. A Peircean Epistemic Argument for a Modest Multiculturalism.J. Caleb Clanton & Andrew T. Forcehimes - 2011 - Contemporary Pragmatism 8 (2):163-185.
    Extending recent appropriations of Charles S. Peirce's work in political theory, we argue that the same epistemic norms that justify democracy offer a plausible basis for justifying multiculturalist policies aimed at protecting at-risk cultural groups. Because this epistemic argument is compatible with a full range of reasonable comprehensive doctrines, it fully accommodates the fact of reasonable pluralism, thereby skirting the Rawlsian objection to which the multiculturalisms of Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka fall prey.
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  • All Together Now: Conventionalism and Everyday Moral Life.Erin Taylor - manuscript
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  • Global Health Justice and Governance.Jennifer Prah Ruger - 2012 - American Journal of Bioethics 12 (12):35-54.
    While there is a growing body of work on moral issues and global governance in the fields of global justice and international relations, little work has connected principles of global health justice with those of global health governance for a theory of global health. Such a theory would enable analysis and evaluation of the current global health system and would ethically and empirically ground proposals for reforming it to more closely align with moral values. Global health governance has been framed (...)
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  • Authenticity of cultures and of persons.Beate Roessler - 2012 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 38 (4-5):445-455.
    In this article I argue that it does not make sense – either empirically or normatively – to speak of ‘authentic’ cultures. All we need when talking about cultures is a relatively weak concept that still carries enough normative weight to function as the meaningful background of a person’s identity, autonomy and good life. Discussing the authentic culture, I refer to the debates around the German Leitkultur as well as the Dutch populist movement as examples. However, I am interested not (...)
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  • Private Lives and Public Virtues: The Idea of a Liberal Community.David McCabe - 1998 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 28 (4):557 - 585.
    Ever since Immanuel Kant suggested that ‘the problem of setting up a state can be solved even by a nation of devils’ so long as citizens’ selfish tendencies worked to counterbalance one another, critics have complained that liberalism is indifferent to individual character and, worse still, is predicated on the notion that citizens ought to be concerned primarily with their private interests and little, if at all, with the public weal. Lately, this line of criticism has been pressed with renewed (...)
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  • Just Talk?Daniel M. Weinstock - 1998 - Dialogue 37 (1):107-.
    Mark Kingwell’s A Civil Tongue is a particularly striking example of this recent trend. Kingwell argues that, for diverse societies, justice reduces to vigorous public debate governed by the conversational virtue of civility, or politeness. According to Kingwell, “Whatever passes through a set of conversational constraints can be expected to be the valid norms or principles of justice”.
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  • Israel's ‘constitutional revolution’: The liberal–communitarian debate and legitimate stability.Yossi Yonah - 2001 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 27 (4):41-74.
    In the early 1990s Israel underwent a so-called constitutional revolution. According to the champions of this revolution, Israel has essentially become, as a result of this momentous event, a constitutional democracy, upholding individual freedom and liberties and allowing for judicial review of parliamentary legislation. Despite the congratulatory rhetoric, it is generally agreed upon that the constitution is still in need of some essential supplements before Israel can qualify as a fully constitutional democracy. The main question addressed in this paper is (...)
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  • Women, the state and religious dissent in the European Union.Pieter Coetzee - manuscript
    This paper considers a particular instance in which a liberal state –Germany -makes a claim for the limitation of tolerance of religious expression on the grounds of harm. I examine this claim with reference to three basic positions: Firstly,I examine Denise Meyerson’s argument that the domain of religion constitutes an area of intractable dispute and that the state is not entitled to limit liberty in this domain because it cannot justify limitations in a neutrally acceptable way. I argue that Ludin (...)
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  • Beyond the search for the subject: An anti-essentialist ontology for liberal democracy.Samuel Bagg - 2021 - European Journal of Political Theory 20 (2):208-231.
    Reading Foucault’s work on power and subjectivity alongside “developmentalist” approaches to evolutionary biology, this article endorses poststructuralist critiques of political ideals grounded in the value of subjective agency. Many political theorists embrace such critiques, of course, but those who do are often skeptical of liberal democracy, and even of normative theory itself. By contrast, those who are left to theorize liberal democracy tend to reject or ignore poststructuralist insights, and have continued to employ dubious ontological assumptions regarding human agents. Against (...)
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  • Should the Homeless Be Forcibly Helped?Bart van Leeuwen & Michael S. Merry - 2019 - Public Health Ethics 12 (1):30-43.
    When are we morally obligated as a society to help the homeless, and is coercive interference justified when help is not asked for, even refused? To answer this question, we propose a comprehensive taxonomy of different types of homelessness and argue that different levels of autonomy allow for interventions with varying degrees of pressure to accept help. There are only two categories, however, where paternalism proper is allowed, be it heavily qualified. The first case is the homeless person with severely (...)
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  • Liberal democracy, nationalism and culture: multiculturalism and Scottish independence.Richard T. Ashcroft & Mark Bevir - 2018 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 21 (1):65-86.
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  • Privacy and Autonomy: On Some Misconceptions Concerning the Political Dimensions of Privacy.Dorota Mokrosinska - 2018 - Law and Philosophy 37 (2):117-143.
    One of the most influential views in privacy scholarship is that privacy protects individual autonomy. On the early liberal view, the exercise of autonomy requires detachment from social and political life and privacy facilitates it. This view of privacy still informs current legal and political practice. As this view of privacy presupposes a tension between privacy and society, it is responsible for the underrating of privacy in legal and political practice. Over the last decades, liberal reflection on autonomy has shifted (...)
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  • A self-determination theory account of self-authorship: Implications for law and public policy.Alexios Arvanitis & Konstantinos Kalliris - 2017 - Philosophical Psychology 30 (6):763-783.
    Self-authorship has been established as the basis of an influential liberal principle of legislation and public policy. Being the author of one’s own life is a significant component of one’s own well-being, and therefore is better understood from the viewpoint of the person whose life it is. However, most philosophical accounts, including Raz’s conception of self-authorship, rely on general and abstract principles rather than specific, individual psychological properties of the person whose life it is. We elaborate on the principles of (...)
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  • Evolutionary Debunking Arguments in Ethics.Andreas Lech Mogensen - 2014 - Dissertation, University of Oxford
    I consider whether evolutionary explanations can debunk our moral beliefs. Most contemporary discussion in this area is centred on the question of whether debunking implications follow from our ability to explain elements of human morality in terms of natural selection, given that there has been no selection for true moral beliefs. By considering the most prominent arguments in the literature today, I offer reasons to think that debunking arguments of this kind fail. However, I argue that a successful evolutionary debunking (...)
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  • Against Egalitarianism.John Kekes - 2006 - Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 58:137-156.
    It is possible that the fame of the Texas Rose Rustlers Society has not yet reached readers of these words. They may want to know then that its members prize roses that survive unattended in the wilds of Texas, having eluded the benevolent attention of gardeners. These unattended roses are not too distantly related to the ‘unofficial English rose’ that the poet says ‘Unkempt about those hedges blows’ in the proximity of The Old Vicarage at Grantchester. As all respectable societies, (...)
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  • Reasons, Explanation, and Saramago's Bell.Susan E. Babbitt - 2000 - Hypatia 20 (4):144-163.
    In this essay, I suggest that significant insights of recent feminist philosophy lead, among other things, to the thought that it is not always better to choose than to be compelled to do what one might have done otherwise. However, few feminists, if any, would defend such a suggestion. I ask why it is difficult to consider certain ideas that, while challenging in theory, are, nonetheless, rather unproblematic in practice. I suggest that some questions are not pursued seriously enough by (...)
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  • (2 other versions)From Communitarianism to Republicanism: On Sandel and His Critics: Critical Notice.Hilliard Aronovitch - 2000 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 30 (4):621-647.
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  • What the Liberal State Should Tolerate Within Its Borders.Andrew Jason Cohen - 2007 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 37 (4):479-513.
    Two normative principles of toleration are offered, one individual-regarding, the other group-regarding. The first is John Stuart Mill’s harm principle; the other is “Principle T,” meant to be the harm principle writ large. It is argued that the state should tolerate autonomous sacrifices of autonomy, including instances where an individual rationally chooses to be enslaved, lobotomized, or killed. Consistent with that, it is argued that the state should tolerate internal restrictions within minority groups even where these prevent autonomy promotion of (...)
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  • Original-Acquisition Justifications of Private Property.A. John Simmons - 1994 - Social Philosophy and Policy 11 (2):63-84.
    My aim in this essay is to explore the nature and force of “original-acquisition” justifications of private property. By “original-acquisition” justifications, I mean those arguments which purport to establish or importantly contribute to the moral defense of private property by: offering a moral/historical account of how legitimate private property rights for persons first arose ; offering a hypothetical or conjectural account of how justified private property could arise from a propertyless condition; or simply defending an account of how an individual (...)
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  • Liberalism, Culture, Aboriginal Rights: In Defence of Kymlicka.Robert Murray - 1999 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 29 (1):109 - 138.
    In their 1969 so-called White Paper on Indian Policy,Pierre Trudeau's government argued that it was time to abolish the group-specific rights differentiating Aboriginal people from other Canadians, including, in some Aboriginal societies, the group-specific right to restrict voting, residency, public office, and other social goods, to their Aboriginal members. Given the negative impact the loss of such so-called collective or group rights would have on the security of their cultures, Aboriginal people were incensed, and, consequently, the federal liberals backed down. (...)
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  • The Value of Cultural Belonging: Expanding Kymlicka's Theory.James W. Nickel - 1994 - Dialogue 33 (4):635-.
    In his recent book, Liberalism, Community and Culture, Will Kymlicka defends collective rights for some minority groups—and particularly for indigenous peoples in North America—by trying to show that secure cultural belonging is of great value, and rights to protection and autonomy for minorities, including some collective rights, are justified by the special disadvantages some minorities face in enjoying secure cultural membership. Kymlicka defends these claims from within a liberal perspective that draws heavily on Rawls and Dworkin and that denies that (...)
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  • Dependent relationships and the moral standing of nonhuman animals.Andrew I. Cohen - 2008 - Ethics and the Environment 13 (2):pp. 1-21.
    This essay explores whether dependent relationships might justify extending direct moral consideration to nonhuman animals. After setting out a formal conception of moral standing as relational, scalar, and unilateral, I consider whether and how an appeal to dependencies might be the basis for an animal’s moral standing. If dependencies generate reasons for extending direct moral consideration, such reasons will admit of significant variations in scope and stringency.
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  • Inherited Obligations and Generational Continuity.Janna Thompson - 1999 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 29 (4):493-515.
    Those who believe that they have special obligations to their community — to their family, state or nation, clan, tribe, or cultural group — often insist that they have duties not merely to present and future members. They also claim to have responsibilities to, or in respect to, their predecessors. David Miller, in his defence of ‘nationality,’ claims that the existence of a nation as a historical community is one of the features which make it ‘a community of obligation.’ ‘“Because (...)
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  • The Liberal Foundations of Cultural Nationalism.Chaim Gans - 2000 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 30 (3):441-466.
    According to cultural nationalism, members of groups sharing a common history and societal culture have a fundamental, morally significant interest in adhering to their culture and in sustaining it for generations. Moreover, this interest should be protected by states. I shall examine three theses included in this statement. The first, theadherence thesis,relates to the basic interest people have in adhering to their national culture. The second thesis ishistorical.It concerns the basic interest people have in recognizing and protecting the multigenerational dimension (...)
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  • A theory of resistance.Phillip Ricks - 2017 - Dissertation, University of Iowa
    The dissertation attempts to answer the question of how to theorize resistance from within the philosophy of social science. To answer this question we must consider more than just the philosophy of social science; we also must look to political and moral philosophy. Resistance to the social norms of one’s community is possible to theorize from within the philosophy of social science once we develop a sufficiently nuanced account of social and moral communities, according to which membership in a community (...)
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  • Isaiah Berlin: Liberalism and pluralism in theory and practice.Jason Ferrell - 2009 - Contemporary Political Theory 8 (3):295-316.
    One of the most pressing dilemmas of the moment concerns pluralism and the issue of justification: how does one defend a commitment to any particular position? The fear is that pluralism undercuts our ability to justify our moral and political views, and thereby leads to relativism. As I argue here, Isaiah Berlin provides an exemplary argument concerning the ties between pluralism and liberalism. Although Berlin admits there is no logical link between pluralism and liberalism, he nevertheless highlights plausible ties between (...)
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  • Rawls, self-respect, and assurance: How past injustice changes what publicly counts as justice.Timothy Waligore - 2016 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 15 (1):42-66.
    This article adapts John Rawls’s writings, arguing that past injustice can change what we ought to publicly affirm as the standard of justice today. My approach differs from forward-looking approaches based on alleviating prospective disadvantage and backward-looking historical entitlement approaches. In different contexts, Rawls’s own concern for the ‘social bases of self-respect’ and equal citizenship may require public endorsement of different principles or specifications of the standard of justice. Rawls’s difference principle focuses on the least advantaged socioeconomic group. I argue (...)
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  • Paternalism and global governance.Michael Barnett - 2015 - Social Philosophy and Policy 32 (1):216-243.
    :Contemporary global governance is organized around an odd pairing: care and control. On the one hand, much of global governance is designed to reduce human suffering and improve human flourishing, with the important caveat that individuals should be allowed to decide for themselves how they want to live their lives. On the other hand, these global practices of care are also entangled with acts of control. Peacebuilding, public health, emergency aid, human rights, and development are expressions of this tension between (...)
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  • Science and Multiculturalism: Some Questions Still Remain.Peter P. Kirschenmann - 2001 - Annals of the Japan Association for Philosophy of Science 10 (3):91-108.
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  • Aboriginal Property and Western Theory: Recovering a Middle Ground.James Tully - 1994 - Social Philosophy and Policy 11 (2):153-180.
    During the last forty years, the Aboriginal peoples of the Americas, of the British Commonwealth, and of other countries colonized by Europeans over the last five hundred years have demanded that their forms of property and government be recognized in international law and in the constitutional law of their countries. This broad movement of 250 million Aboriginal people has involved court cases, parliamentary politics, constitutional amendments, the United Nations, the International Court of Justice, the development of an international law of (...)
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  • Liberalism and Communitarianism: a response to two recent attempts to reconcile individual autonomy with group identity.Neil Burtonwood - 1998 - Educational Studies 24 (3):295-304.
    Summary This article is concerned with recent attempts to balance the claims for political citizenship in a liberal democracy (liberalism) with competing claims for cultural identity within traditional non?liberal communities (communitarianism). Claims of the first kind are usually seen as universal in that they are based on what it is to be human, while claims of the second kind are seen as particular in so far as they relate to membership of a specific culture. Singh (1997) argues for discussion method (...)
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  • The graying of Berlin. [REVIEW]Daniel M. Weinstock - 1997 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 11 (4):481-501.
    In Isaiah Berlin, John Gray interprets Berlin as having made value pluralism the basis of an anti‐rationalist, “agonistic” liberalism. Gray argues that Berlin's value pluralism actually stands in tension with his liberalism, and that a whole‐hearted affirmation of value pluralism should have led him to reject the claim that liberal institutions are morally superior. But Berlin's pluralism is more moderate than that ascribed to him by Gray, in that it does not allow for diminishing the value of liberty beyond a (...)
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  • (1 other version)Multiculture Me No More! On Multicultural Qualifications and the Palestinian-Arab Minority of Israel.Mousa Karayanni Michael - 2007 - Diogenes 54 (3):39-58.
    Multiculturalism has become a central theme in many academic disciplines from philosophy to education, social work and psychology, ultimately reaching political science and law. What seems to be unique in current studies on multiculturalism is not merely the observance and display of societies that happen to be diverse in terms of the religious, cultural, national and ethnic affiliation of their members. Rather, it is the central argument that such divergence is legitimate and should be accommodated. Accepting other groups in society (...)
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  • Foucault, educational research and the issue of autonomy.Mark Olssen - 2005 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 37 (3):365–387.
    This article seeks to demonstrate a particular application of Foucault's philosophical approach to a particular issue in education: that of personal autonomy. The paper surveys and extends the approach taken by James Marshall in his book Michel Foucault: Personal autonomy and education. After surveying Marshall's writing on the issue I extend Marshall's approach, critically analysing the work of Rob Reich and Meira Levinson, two contemporary philosophers who advocate models of personal autonomy as the basis for a liberal education.
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  • Collective rights and democratic states: a new framework for addressing global socio-economic inequality.Aleksandar Radaković - 2019 - South African Journal of Philosophy 38 (3):297-312.
    This article will present the argument for treating democratic states as moral and not only legal collective entities; that is, it will apply the theory of collective rights of cultural groups in a (closed) domestic political setting to democratic states in international relations. Numerous experiences by self-identifying cultural groups bear witness to the fact that morally important objectives are not always reached by merely treating individuals as the sole bearers of moral status. In order to prevent latent cultural imperialism, many (...)
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  • National Identity – A Multiculturalist’s Approach.Varun Uberoi - 2018 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 21 (1):46-64.
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  • Linking Societal Trust and CEO Compensation.Kiridaran Kanagaretnam, Abdul-Rahman Khokhar & Amin Mawani - 2018 - Journal of Business Ethics 151 (2):295-317.
    We examine the association between societal trust and the levels of CEO compensation and the proportion of equity-based compensation of 897 firm-years from 18 countries over the 2007–2013 period. We find both the levels of CEO compensation as well as the proportion of equity-based compensation to be lower in countries with higher levels of societal trust. This suggests that costly regulations on CEO compensation may not be as necessary in jurisdictions with higher levels of societal trust. We also examine the (...)
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  • Internal Restlessness.Alan Gilbert - 1994 - Political Theory 22 (1):45-70.
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  • Real utopias, reciprocity and concern for others.Hannes Kuch - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (9):897-919.
    The article explores the early Marx’s vision of communal relationships, which is centered on the idea that in producing for others individuals can be concerned with satisfying the needs of others, and may reciprocally value their interdependence in producing for one another. It is argued that if the ideal of communal reciprocity is to be realized in a viable and desirable form, it must be compatible with some forms of self-interest, social indifference and instrumental action, typically realized through the institution (...)
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  • (1 other version)Against Nationalism.Harry Brighouse - 1996 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy, Supplementary Volume 22:365-405.
    A recent resurgence of interest within analytical political philosophy in the status of ethnic and national minorities coincides with the re-emergence of national identity as a primary organizing principle of political conflict, and with an increasing attentiveness to identity and recognition as organizing principles of political struggle. The recent theoretical literature within political philosophy has focused very much on recognizing the importance of national identity, and allowing attention to national sentiment to inform the design of social institutions.In this paper I (...)
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  • Liberalism's Claim to Culture.David Braybrooke - 1991 - Dialogue 30 (1-2):117-.
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  • Liberalism and Minority Rights. An Interview.Will Kymlicka & Ruth Rubio Marín - 1999 - Ratio Juris 12 (2):133-152.
    The interview focuses on Kymlicka's major area of research, i.e., the issue of minority rights. Kymlicka explains why the rights of national minorities have been traditionally neglected in the Western political tradition. He argues that these rights promote individual freedom, and so should be seen as promoting liberal democratic principles. The interview covers many issues including the relationship between ethno‐cultural groups and other forms of “identity politics”; how to individuate cultural groups with legitimate claims to minority rights; whether something like (...)
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  • (2 other versions)on G.A. Cohen, Ronald Dworkin and John Roemer.Alex Callinicos - 2001 - Historical Materialism 9 (1):169-195.
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  • Culture, neutrality and minority rights.Aurélia Bardon - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):364-374.
    Alan Patten’s Equal Recognition offers a new and powerful argument to support the ‘strong cultural rights thesis’. Unlike other culturalist arguments, his argument is not based on a problematic and essentialist conception of culture but on a particular understanding of liberal neutrality as fair treatment and equal recognition. What justifies the existence of such rights is not culture itself but what culture means for people and the negative consequences it can have for them when they form a cultural minority. Patten’s (...)
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  • Multiculturalism in contemporary Britain: policy, law and theory.Richard T. Ashcroft & Mark Bevir - 2018 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 21 (1):1-21.
    We start by surveying the different issues that fall under the umbrella of ‘multiculturalism’. We then sketch the trajectory of British multiculturalism since 1945, and examine its broader legal and philosophical contexts. This narrative highlights the empirical and theoretical connections between multiculturalism and decolonisation, and that the conceptualisation of multiculturalism in political theory is more wide-ranging than in law or policy. This helps foreground neglected aspects of British multiculturalism in policy and law, and suggests we should widen the philosophical scope (...)
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  • Why We (Almost Certainly) are Not Moral Equals.Stan Husi - 2017 - The Journal of Ethics 21 (4):375-401.
    Faith in the universal moral equality of people enjoys close to unanimous consensus in present moral and political philosophy. Yet its philosophical justification remains precarious. The search for the basis of equality encounters insurmountable difficulties. Nothing short of a miracle seems required to stabilize universal equality in moral status amidst a vast space of distinctions sprawling between people. The difficulties of stabilizing equality against differentiation are not specific to any particular choice regarding the basis of equality. To show this, I (...)
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  • An Agency‐Based Capability Theory of Justice.Rutger Claassen - 2017 - European Journal of Philosophy 25 (4):1279-1304.
    The capability approach is one of the main contenders in the field of theorizing social justice. Each citizen is entitled to a set of basic capabilities. But which are these? Martha Nussbaum formulated a set of ten central capabilities. Amartya Sen argued they should be selected in a process of public reasoning. Critics object that the Nussbaum-approach is too perfectionist and the Sen-approach is too proceduralist. This paper presents a third alternative: a substantive but non-perfectionist capability theory of justice. It (...)
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  • Neutrality of What? Public Morality and the Ethics of Equal Respect.Koen Raes - 1995 - Philosophica 56 (2):133-168.
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  • Explaining Moral Variety.Chandran Kukathas - 1994 - Social Philosophy and Policy 11 (1):1-21.
    Reflection on the variety of forms of social life has long been a source of moral skepticism. The thought that there are many radically different social systems, each of which colors the way its members think about moral and political questions, has been thought by many moral philosophers to undermine confidence in our belief that our way of looking at-or even posing-these questions is the correct one. The fact of cultural variety is held to reduce, if not eliminate altogether, the (...)
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  • The challenge of cultural diversity: the limited value of the right of exit.Andrew Fagan - 2018 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 21 (1):87-108.
    This article traces recent trends in British politics, liberal political theory and human rights law in order to demonstrate why the right of exit – made famous in the political theory of multiculturalism by Chandran Kukathas – may be able to mediate tensions between them. I argue that the right of exit is an insufficient test for consent because some cultures may render some members incapable of effectively exercising their autonomy. I use empirical evidence drawn from legal cases and social (...)
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