Switch to: References

Add citations

You must login to add citations.
  1. The Egalitarian Objection to Coercion.Adam Lovett - 2024 - Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 105 (3):392-417.
    I develop an egalitarian account of what's objectionable about coercion. The account is rooted in the idea that certain relationships, like those of master to slave or lord to peasant, are relationships of subordination or domination. These relationships are morally objectionable. Such relationships are in part constituted by asymmetries of power. A master subordinates a slave because the master has more power over the slave than vice versa. Coercion is objectionable, I argue, because it creates such asymmetries of power and (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark  
  • Civic virtue in non-ideal republics.M. Victoria Costa - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    This paper defends a neorepublican account of civic virtue as consisting of stable traits of character, understood in broadly Aristotelian terms, that exhibit excellences associated with the role of citizen, and that contribute to the secure protection of freedom as non-domination. Such an account is important for the neorepublican project because neither laws nor social norms can yield reliable support for republican freedom without a parallel input from civic virtue. The paper emphasizes the need to distinguish civic virtue from desirable (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   2 citations  
  • Republican Freedom and Liberal Neutrality.Lars Moen - 2023 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 26 (2):325–348.
    Institutions promoting republican freedom as non-domination are commonly believed to differ significantly from institutions promoting negative freedom as non-interference. Philip Pettit, the most prominent contemporary defender of this view, also maintains that these republican institutions are neutral between the different conceptions of the good that characterise a modern society. This paper shows why these two views are incompatible. By analysing the institutional requirements Pettit takes as constitutive of republican freedom, I show how they also promote negative freedom by reducing overall (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   2 citations  
  • Freedom and its unavoidable trade‐off.Lars J. K. Moen - 2024 - Analytic Philosophy 65 (1):22–36.
    In the debate on how we ought to define political freedom, some definitions are criticized for implying that no one can ever be free to perform any action. In this paper, I show how the possibility of freedom depends on a definition that finds an appropriate balance between absence of interference and protection against interference. To assess the possibility of different conceptions of freedom, I consider the trade-offs they make between these two dimensions. I find that pure negative freedom is (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   2 citations  
  • Republicanism and Structural Domination.Rafeeq Hasan - 2021 - Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 102 (2):292-319.
    What is domination? According to a leading strand of republican political philosophy, a person is dominated when under the unconstrained power of another. Call this the dyadic conception of domination, because it involves a two‐person relation. I argue that domination is better understood structurally. Structural domination is domination by institutions. Rather than a master dominating a slave and a boss dominating a worker (as in dyadic domination), structural domination holds that the institution of slavery dominates the slave and labor law (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   7 citations  
  • Is there an Objection to Workplace Hierarchy?Niko Kolodny - manuscript
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark  
  • Freedom and Viruses.Kieran Oberman - 2022 - Ethics 132 (4):817-850.
    A common argument against lockdowns is that they restrict freedom. On this view, lockdowns might be effective in protecting public health, but their impact on freedom is purely negative. This article challenges that view. It argues that while lockdowns restrict freedom, so too do viruses. Since viruses restrict freedom and lockdowns protect us from viruses, lockdowns can protect us from the harmful effects that viruses have on freedom. The problem we face is not necessarily freedom versus public health. Sometimes it (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   5 citations  
  • On Nondomination : A comparative study on the distinctiveness and the preferability of freedom as nondomination vis-à-vis freedom as noninterference.Amin Baledi - unknown
    The recent years have seen the revival of neo-Roman republicanism through the works of Philip Pettit, who has replaced Isaiah Berlin’s taxonomy of positive/negative liberty with freedom as nondomination. This essay compares the neo-Roman conception of nondomination to the liberal conception of noninterference, with the purpose of clarifying whether nondomination is a distinct concept of liberty and preferable to that of noninterference. The essay highlights the exchange between Pettit/Skinner and Carter/Kramer, wherein Carter and Kramer make their case for ‘pure negative (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark  
  • Who should fight domination? Individual responsibility and structural injustice.Dorothea Gädeke - 2021 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 20 (2):180-201.
    Who is responsible for fighting domination? Answering this question, I argue, requires taking the structural dimension of domination seriously to avoid unwillingly reproducing domination in the nam...
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   2 citations  
  • Domination and enforcement: The contingent and non-ideal relation between state and freedom.Daniel Guillery - 2020 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 19 (4):403-423.
    It is common to think that state enforcement is a restriction on freedom that is morally permitted or justified because of the unfortunate circumstances in which we find ourselves. Human frailty and material scarcity combine to make the compromise of freedom involved in exclusive state enforcement power necessary for other freedoms or other goods. In the words of James Madison, ‘if men were angels, no government would be necessary’ (1990: 267). But there is an opposing tradition, according to which the (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark  
  • Equal Justice: Fair Legal Systems in an Unfair World, by Frederick Wilmot-Smith.James Lindley Wilson - 2021 - Mind 130 (519):1049-1057.
    Equal Justice: Fair Legal Systems in an Unfair World, by Wilmot-SmithFrederick. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019. Pp. 256.
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   1 citation  
  • Systemic domination, social institutions and the coalition problem.Hallvard Sandven - 2020 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 19 (4):382-402.
    This article argues for a systemic conception of freedom as non-domination. It does so by engaging with the debate on the so-called coalition problem. The coalition problem arises because non-domination holds that groups can be agents of (dominating) power, while also insisting that freedom be robust. Consequently, it seems to entail that everyone is in a constant state of domination at the hands of potential groups. However, the problem can be dissolved by rejecting a ‘strict possibility’ standard for interpreting non-domination’s (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   5 citations  
  • The social bases of freedom.Harrison Frye - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (7):963-979.
    I argue social and political freedom is not primarily about the absence of constraints, whether those constraints be in the form of interference or domination. Instead, social freedom is centrally about what makes us free. That is, the question of social freedom is first and foremost about determining the positive preconditions of being a free person within society. Social freedom is about what I call the social bases of freedom, or those features of our social world that we have a (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   1 citation  
  • Does a Mugger Dominate? Episodic Power and the Structural Dimension of Domination.Dorothea Gädeke - 2019 - Journal of Political Philosophy 28 (2):199-221.
    Imagine you are walking through a park. Suddenly, a mugger points a gun at you, threatening to shoot you if you do not hand over your valuables. Is this an instance of domination? Many authors working within the neo-republican framework - including Philip Pettit himself - are inclined to say 'yes'. After all, the mugger case seems to be a paradigmatic example of what it means to be at someone's mercy. However, I argue that this conclusion is based on a (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   32 citations  
  • Capital Flight and Domination by Diffuse Collectives.Miikka Jaarte - 2024 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics.
    When progressive governments attempt to redistribute wealth, nationalize major industries, or empower unions, they are often faced with the threat of capital flight. Some republican theorists have suggested that this phenomenon might be a source of domination. However, the prominent neo-republican account of domination presented by Philip Pettit cannot justify this claim, since the class of investors is not usually an agent. In this article, I present a novel theory of domination by diffuse collectives that can justify the intuition that (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark  
  • Good governance: Contemporary issues in political philosophy.Nikolas Kirby - 2021 - Philosophy Compass 16 (12):e12790.
    The legislature and the judiciary have been a constant focus of contemporary political philosophy. However, the executive – ‘the government’ itself – has been comparatively neglected. Today, this is changing with a well-spring of new work that bears upon what we might call the ideal of ‘good governance’, that is, how governments (and/or their agents) should exercise their powers. This review paper begins by clarifying the concepts of ‘governance’ and ‘good’ governance (§1). It then highlights five sets of values, working (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark  
  • (1 other version)The loving state.Adam Lovett - 2024 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 67 (9):3547-3583.
    I explore the idea that the state should love its citizens. It should not be indifferent towards them. Nor should it merely respect them. It should love them. I begin by looking at the bases of this idea. First, it can be grounded by a concern with state subordination. The state has enormous power over its citizens. This threatens them with subordination. Love ameliorates this threat. Second, it can be grounded by the state’s lack of moral status. We all have (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark  
  • Being Free, Feeling Free: Race, Gender, and Republican Domination.Cécile Laborde - 2024 - Aristotelian Society Supplementary Volume 98 (1):27-46.
    Members of racial and sexual minorities often live in the fear of arbitrary interference from others—rogue police officers or sexual harassers. Are they unfree by dint of believing they are unfree? I draw on the republican theory of freedom—according to which we are unfree if we are subjected to a risk of arbitrary interference—to offer a qualified positive answer. I clarify the role of probabilistic judgements about risk in republican political theory. I argue that under specific circumstances, diagnoses of republican (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   1 citation  
  • Freedom of thought.Matthew Chrisman - 2024 - Philosophical Issues 34 (1):196-212.
    This paper develops a novel conception of freedom of thought as the right to epistemic self-realization. The recognition of this right is characterized here as a modally robust normative status that I think one has as a potential knower in an epistemic community. It is a status that one cannot enjoy without a specific form of institutionalized intellectual respect and support. To explain and defend this conception of freedom of thought, it is contrasted here with more traditionally “negative” conceptions of (...)
    Download  
     
    Export citation  
     
    Bookmark   1 citation