From his long years of experience as a local executive until he was ushered into the presidency, Duterte was able to master the masses’ longings. He understands what the public expects in a leader-- gathered from information he collected in unorthodox fashion. He plunges into the grassroots even (at times) resorting to disguises; and sometimes he maintains his own intelligence group that feeds him necessary information. The shock that he generates in all corners, factions, sectors and even countries would (...) qualify him (perhaps) to be the unnamed monster that can disrupt the realm of Philippine politics. But despite his monstrous image, quite surprisingly, Duterte remains popular and appealing to the electorate. This essay foregrounds the ambivalent monster that the Philippine president wittingly or unwittingly assumes; a monster that is ready to devour victims while protecting those he (supposedly) loves. The essay argues that Duterte is a monster that represents a rapture—a kind of abrupt transition. He represents a monster leader that does not care about the elite’s and traditional pundits’ definition of a leader. He represents a leader that is hindi-iba (sa masa) but at the same time iba sa marami (trapo/traditional politicians). (shrink)

The ongoing war on drugs in the Philippines has become the epicenter of discourse and concern regarding human rights, populism, and illiberal democracy. While most studies focus on President Duterte's controversial 'strongman' persona and mass appeal, very few have sought to analyze the locals' attitudes towards him as cognitive-affective phenomena. To address this gap, this paper provides an in-depth qualitative analysis of pre-selected subjects in Davao and Manila, two regions in the Philippines with arguably the most salient pro-and anti- (...) class='Hi'>Duterte populations, respectively, in 2019. Using a mapping software modeled after Paul Thagard's emotional coherence theory, this study maps the possible cognitive-affective processes underpinning the political ideologies of an influential leftist organization in the Philippines. Cognitive dissonance theory was used to consolidate the qualitative analyses of data derived from the surveys and interviews. The findings suggest that the two populations' political ideologies were relatively similar, as expected of subjects who belong to the same organization. However, the significant differences in the subjects' stances towards the Duterte administration suggest that the socio-political contexts of Manila and Davao could affect political opinions and views despite their similar core political ideologies. (shrink)

Pinagtibay ng administrasyong Duterte ang pananangkapan sa mga birong itinuring na pampasiglang bilang sa tuwing kinakausap ng pangulo ang taumbayan sa midya. Kaya’t tila isang melodramatiko o mala-teledramang inaabangan ng mga manonood at tagapakinig ang bawat pahayag ni Duterte habang pinamamayani ng huli ang mga 'birong' nagpapatingkad sa impunidad ng karahasan sa kababaihan, misogynista, at sexismo. Sa ilang pagkakataon, literal na ibinida ng populistang pangulo ang kaniyang phallus o titing nakatayo bilang larawan ng pagiging lalaki, matapang, at malakas (...) at upang yurakan hindi lamang ang kababaihan ngunit para ipamukha ang 'kahinaan' ng mga kritiko. Kinalaunan, umusbong sa midya ang pagbabansag kay Duterte bilang 'Mang Kanor,' isang personalidad na ipinamamalas ang exhibisyonismo sa anyo ng mga pornograpikong bidyo. Layunin ng pag-aaral na ito na suriin ang sosyo-politikal na aspektong umiinog kina Duterte at Mang Kanor at sa kung paano nila ginamit ang phallus upang magkaroon ng pamosong pagkakakilanlan sa midyang Pilipino. (shrink)

This paper will discuss the peace building efforts of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) and the Government of the Philippines (GRP) and argue that these efforts follow the proceduralist conception of Habermas’ deliberative democracy. Habermas, like Kant, contends that peace has a “chronological and ontological priority over violence.”1 The paper will problematize the gap between legality and legitimacy as highlighted by Habermas and relate how such a gap triggered conflicts the same as that of the GRP and (...) the NDFP. I will then propose a communicative process of critique and intervention from civil liberty groups, especially the Church sector, as an avenue to possibly remedy the gaps and its effects. Finally, I will outline possible problems arising from this model of deliberative democracy. (shrink)

This study aims to determine whether Filipinos genuinely hold negative feelings towards President Duterte’s leadership. It analyzes public opinions through existing surveys, media discussions, and socio-political group actions. Using a descriptive research approach, the study seeks to understand the diverse perspectives on Duterte’s leadership in the Philippines. It explores the reasons behind both support and criticism, taking into account factors such as economic policies, leadership style, and responses to significant events during his presidency. By uncovering the various influences (...) on people’s opinions in a changing political and social landscape, the research aims to provide valuable insights into the complex sentiments surrounding Duterte’s leadership. Despite facing widespread criticism for his authoritarian leadership style, war on drugs, and attacks on the media, President Rodrigo Duterte maintained high levels of public support throughout his presidency. The study concludes that Duterte’s leadership has both strengths and weaknesses, with high approval ratings attributed to his perceived strength, populist messaging, and effective communication. While not universally trusted, Duterte’s ability to connect with a significant portion of the population suggests a willingness among Filipinos to support leaders who promise to address their concerns, even in the face of authoritarian measures. Overall, this research contributes valuable insights into the intricate tapestry of sentiments surrounding Duterte’s leadership, shedding light on the diverse perspectives that define the Filipino public’s stance on their president. (shrink)

A new hope has sprouted from the southern part of the Philippines. Politicians outside the Manila-circle felt that they were vindicated when Duterte won the presidency. Of course, the entire nation rejoices with the coming of a “non- traditional” politician, and self-proclaimed leftist and socialist president. But the first two years of Duterte's presidency compel Filipinos to ponder what's going on with the country. Thus, this paper focuses on the incongruity of Duterte's promises with his implementing policies: (...) first, his being leftist and socialist with neoliberal policies implemented; second, democracy with looming tyranny; third, independent-foreign policy while remaining subservient to U.S.A.; lastly, integrating Rousseau's Social Contract Theory, the country's representative democracy i s dealt with the government’s insensitivity to its own polity. Concluding, the paper argues that Duterte's new politics maintain, if not worsen, the socio -politico economic problems he inherits from the preceding presidents. (shrink)

This article investigates whether Filipinos genuinely have negative feelings about President Duterte’s leadership. It examines public opinions through surveys, media discussions, and actions in sociopolitical groups. Using a descriptive research approach, this article aims to understand diverse perspectives on Duterte’s leadership in the Philippines. It delves into why some people support him and others criticize him, considering factors like economic policies, leadership style, and responses to significant events during his presidency. This article seeks to uncover the various reasons (...) that influence people’s opinions in a changing political and social landscape in the Philippines. It recognizes that different factors shape Filipinos’ beliefs about their leader. Finally, it offers insightful perspectives into the complex sentiments surrounding Duterte’s leadership, providing a clearer understanding of what Filipinos truly think about their president. (shrink)

President Rodrigo Duterte to this day has continued to enjoy popularity among majority of the Filipinos. And this, even as Duterte himself has continually graced the headlines, not for any outstanding humanitarian achievement, but for his typical but highly controversial personal blunders and braggadocios, outrageous remarks, and penchant for informalities. And this, too, even as no less than the U.S. intelligence department tags him as a “threat to democracy” and no less than some influential bishops in the Catholic (...) Church accuse him of already going beyond the bounds of the ethical. What could be the reasons why Duterte is still this popular among many Filipinos despite the many controversies that continue to hound him? Does this mean that today’s Filipinos have become too politically blasé to care about what’s going on in the political arena of their country? Or, could it be that Duterte’s continuing popularity actually reflects the political vision of contemporary Filipinos? To answer these questions, in this paper, I will do a Ricoeurian reading of Duterte’s popular presidency. By Ricoeurian reading, I mean that I will be using selected elements in Ricoeur’s political philosophy as evaluative tools in analyzing: 1) whether President Duterte is indeed a “threat to democracy”; 2) whether the Duterte government still falls within the ethical; and 3) whether Duterte’s popular presidency actually reflects the political vision of contemporary Filipinos. (shrink)

This is a preliminary essay on the rhetoric of ‘obosen’ of President Rodrigo Duterte. The essay discusses how the President employed the term ‘obosen’ to show his leadership quality characterized by strenght, firmness, patriotism and courage. He used ‘obosen’ as a way to persuade his target audience. The essay explicates how he was able to excellently manipulate and control the Philippine social consciousness. To soften the effects of Duterte’s ‘obosen’, his political rivals offered couinter-rhetorics which the essay also (...) presented. To cap it all, a simple summary at the end was provided. (shrink)

This paper argues that the current scholarship of radical politics primarily bannered by Christopher Ryan Maboloc is a misappropriation of the postMarxist political project of Mouffe and Laclau. Drawing primarily both on Mouffe’s and Laclau’s work Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics and an interview with Chantal Mouffe herself, the paper argues how the post-Marxist radical political project of Mouffe and Laclau fails to theoretically fit to the style of governance and regime of Duterte. Fundamental to (...) the idea of radical democratic politics is the task of radicalizing liberal democracy. However, as discussed in the paper, liberal democracy is a project whose very institutions and processes Duterte and his regime have undermined and attacked. Under Duterte’s regime, radical democracy lost the conditions for its flourishing, rendering its own impossibility. (shrink)

This qualitative study employing the sentiment analysis method uncovered the people's sentiments on the appointment of Vice-President Sara Z Duterte as the Secretary of the Department of Education. The comments from the Facebook online news platforms were used as the corpora of this study. Results revealed that the appointment of Vice-President Sara Z. Duterte as the Department of Education Secretary received 79% positive sentiments, 11% negative sentiments, and 10% neutral sentiments from the people. This indicates that most people (...) responded favorably to the appointment of Vice President Sara Z. Duterte to the position of Secretary of the Department of Education. This suggests that people believed Vice President Duterte's ability to lead the Education Department and bring about significant changes within the department. (shrink)

This paper is an attempt to localize Herman and Chomsky’s analysis of the commercial media and use this concept to fit in the Philippine media climate. Through the propaganda model, they introduced the five interrelated media filters which made possible the “manufacture of consent.” By consent, Herman and Chomsky meant that the mass communication media can be a powerful tool to manufacture ideology and to influence a wider public to believe in a capitalistic propaganda. Thus, they call their theory the (...) “propaganda model” referring to the capitalist media structure and its underlying political function. Herman and Chomsky’s analysis has been centered upon the US media, however, they also believed that the model is also true in other parts of the world as the media conglomeration is also found all around the globe. In the Philippines, media conglomeration is not an alien concept especially in the presence of a giant media outlet, such as, ABS-CBN. In this essay, the authors claim that the propaganda model is also observed even in the less obvious corporate media in the country, disguised as an independent media entity but like a chameleon, it camouflages into an invisible creature leaving predators without any clue. Hence, the reason to analyze and scrutinize a highly reputable news organization in the country, namely, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) in relation to their portrayal of the Duterte presidency. (shrink)

Years before his death, Romualdo Abulad made himself controversial, a controversy that was not so much on his positive contribution to philosophy as his apology for Duterte and his regime. In this paper, Abulad’s apology for Duterte will be discussed. The discussion will be framed from within Abulad’s concept of the post-Machiavelli. This concept was earlier developed by Abulad in a chapter of a book co-authored by Alfredo Co. I argue that his concept of the post-Machiavelli is based (...) on a privileging of The Prince and a reading that is subtly anti-Machiavellian. I further argue that the ethics of the post-Machiavelli, one that is guided by the philosophical compass of postmodernism, provided the ideological support for Duterte and his regime as it is both obscurantist and empty. The ethics of the post-Machiavelli obscures the politics of the regime by way of the ethics of the good. In doing so it legitimizes the political via the ethical. Here, the coupling or intersection of the political and the ethical provided an ideological support of the former by way of the abstract resources of the latter. However, I assert that ethics and politics ought to be decoupled. The ethics of the post-Machiavelli is likewise empty. Such an emptiness allows, at least in the level of theory, a liberal openness and accommodation to virtually any version of (a future) order, including that of fascism. (shrink)

As he moves closer to half of his term as president of the Philippines, Rodrigo Roa Duterte has continually been in friction with the Catholic Church, specifically with certain members of its hierarchy. Mainly identifiable as the dividing line between Duterte’s administration and the Church is the issue on human rights particularly the extrajudicial killings (EJK) of suspected users and pushers of illegal drugs. This paper argues that Duterte’s attitude and positioning towards the Catholic Church neither strengthen (...) nor advance the Philippine state towards a greater degree of secularization. On the contrary, the Church has become more politically and publicly involved. Consequently, it has remained a key actor or interest group providing an alternative moral discourse to that of the government. (shrink)

The paper provides a historical take on Filipino populism particularly former President Rodrigo Duterte’s leadership. The study contends that Duterte’s populism relies on his charisma as a strongman, where he frames his image as the father of the nation. The study relates this to Filipino philosopher Leonardo Mercado’s concept of sakop. This notion is best seen in the Filipinos’ harmonization of familial relations into other areas of society.

Ang papel na ito ay isang kritikal na ulat tungkol sa pilosopiyang Pilipino sa panahon ng rehimeng Duterte. Sa pamamagitan ng Google Scholar tinukoy nito ang limang nangungunang Pilipinong pilosopo na sumuri sa nasabing rehimen: sina Christopher Ryan Maboloc, Regletto Aldrich Imbong, Tracy Llanera, Carlito Gaspar at Jude Raymun Festin. Kinilala nito ang nasabing limang pilosopo, at hinimay ang kani-kanilang pangkalahatang paninindigan kaugnay sa nasabing rehimen, isyung tinutukan, pilosopong kabalitaktakan, at pilosopong tinutungtungan. Sinuri din ng papel na ito ang (...) ideolohiyang politikal ng limang pilosopo gamit ang modipikadong spectrum nina Hans Slomp at F.P.A. Demeterio. Naglahad ang papel na ito ng lagom tungkol sa kabuuang boses ng pilosopiyang Pilipino sa ilalim ng nasabing rehimen. (shrink)

Digital media can shape people’s political perspectives as it is used as a medium for communication and information. In the Philippines, the use of Facebook has become an avenue not just for socialization but also, for political discourse. Being considered as one of the world’s top Facebook users, Facebook is used by individuals to serve as a platform to construct propaganda networks. Diehard Duterte Supporters (also known as the “DDS”) use this digital media platform to rally behind President (...) class='Hi'>Duterte, promote his achievements, and also, to defend him against criticisms. On the other hand, Jean Baudrillard believes that media plays a pivotal role in constituting a new realm of experience. Baudrillard’s central thesis is that the media serves as a key simulation machine that constitutes a hyperreality. In this paper, the researchers examined how political propagandas is conveyed by selected Die-hard Duterte Supporters (DDS) through Facebook. In light of Jean Baudrillard’s notion of hyperreality, the have elucidated the serious concerns regarding the proliferation of political propaganda in social media. As a result, the researchers claim that Facebook pages are used by the DDS as key simulation tools for framing the contents of their political propaganda to match their political objectives and it is therefore described as, “political framing”. Political framing of information and content is comparable to Baudrillard’s notion of simulation, wherein it involves a judicious process of creating political propaganda which involves filtering, recycling, editing information, selecting content and arguments that ultimately, blurs the distinction between the true information and disinformation, thus, creates hyperreality. (shrink)

The recent political developments in the Philippines require a reevaluation of the nature of the State under the Rodrigo Duterte regime. Just years ago, scholars illustrated the regime of Duterte to be a populist, illiberal, or authoritarian one. But since then, and especially during the pandemic, a lot of things have changed. In this paper, I will argue that Duterte’s regime is a fascist one. Unlike how Walden Bello characterized Duterte as a fascist original, a characterization (...) laden with theoretical inconsistencies and practical difficulties, I will develop a concept of fascism proper to the neoliberal and semi-colonial conditions of the Philippines. I will likewise trace the rise, development, and stabilization of the regime’s fascism. The discussion will be supported and illuminated by some illustrative examples taken from the experience of the mass movement in Cebu. (shrink)

In recent years, democracy in the Philippines has become a contentious subject, particularly considering Rodrigo Duterte's presidency, marking the first leader hailing from Mindanao. Scholars representing the South (Mindanao), Central (Visayas), and North (Luzon) have contributed their perspectives on democracy, employing philosophical inquiry to reframe the discourse. This approach is rooted in their scholarly endeavors, aimed at uncovering the multifaceted issues surrounding Philippine democracy. These scholarly endeavors have both broadened the perspectives of many Filipinos and engendered divisions in sentiment (...) and viewpoint. Recognizing that scholars may approach their work with personal biases shaped by individual experiences, this paper contends that dismissing their contributions as mere partiality would diminish the true essence of philosophizing. Consequently, this paper endeavors to provide a meaningful interpretation and exposition of the comprehensive arguments posited by selected scholars from Mindanao, Visayas, and Luzon, as they engage in philosophical discourse on Philippine democracy. The paper posits that engaging in philosophical inquiry regarding Philippine democracy serves as a crucible for Filipino progress, envisioning them as the vanguards of the nation's future. It maintains that without such intellectual endeavors, the nation risks stagnating and perpetuating the enduring wounds of historical social, economic, cultural, and political divisions. (shrink)

Ang sanaysay na ito ay isang deskriptibong pagbasa sa To Be in History: Dark Days of Authoritarianism na pinatnugutan ni Melba Padilla Maggay, sa lente ng “kuwentong buhay,” partikular na ang bersyon nito na dinalumat ni Clemen Aquino, isa sa mga pangunahing tagapagtaguyod ng Sosyolohiyang Pilipino. Sisiyasatin ang saysay ng mga kuwentong buhay na nilalaman ng akda sa konteksto ng mga kontemporaryong reyalidad ng lipunang Pilipino, tulad ng rehimeng Duterte, pagsuporta ng mga Kristiyano sa mga represibong administrasyon, at pambabaluktot (...) ng kasaysayan. (shrink)

The Philippine government has been relentless in its counterinsurgency campaigns. From the colonial wars that vilified as insurgents and bandits the honored heroes of today, up to the anti-communist and anti-secessionist civil and military efforts of the postcolonial regimes, these campaigns have not only rolled out large state resources but also cost lives of innocent civilians. Patterned after the United States (US) of America’s principle of low-intensity conflict aimed at countering Marxist and anti-imperialist movements (Reed 1986), counterinsurgency campaigns have unleashed (...) a warfare that indiscriminately target its supposed opponents, including unarmed activists. In 2007, the United Nations Special Rapporteur Philip Alston examined the horrible political situation of the Philippines – characterized by political killings, abductions, and tortures – and identified how state elements, under the blanket protection of waging a counterinsurgency campaign, were responsible for the political repressions then (Sales 2009). Today, under the murderous Duterte regime, the counterinsurgency campaign has reached an unprecedented level of ferocity as it is waged through a militarist whole-ofnation approach composed by multi-level government and multi-agency responses. -/- Being greatly influenced by the US, counterinsurgency campaigns in the Philippines follow the paranoiac and hysterical communist witch-hunt of McCarthyism (Hutchins-Viroux 2008). The hysteria’s contemporary and local expression is the phenomenon called red- or terror-tagging.1 Terror-tagging is the systematic process of maliciously naming or identifying an individual or group as a communist and/or terrorist by its association with a supposed communist and/or terrorist group. Being a systematic process, it is initiated and sustained by state elements with the view of maligning or defaming political activists. Terror-tagging is aimed against activists, dissenters, and even the political opposition. The social activist Rhoda Dalang (2014) has noted how terror-tagging has been deployed by the Philippine state in its counterinsurgency efforts, from the Marcos up to the then Aquino regime. And until the previous Duterte regime, yet with increased intensity and fatality, terror-tagging continued to defame and liquidate activists. As terror-tagging has not received enough academic attention, this chapter aims to fill this gap by providing a preliminary analysis of it. The chapter will be doing a critical discourse analysis. It will take off from a revealing study done by Don Kevin Hapal and Raisa Serafica of Rappler, a media outlet in the Philippines. Through a separate discourse analysis of Facebook posts of the National Task Force to End Local Communist Armed Conflict (NTFELCAC),2 the chapter will also identify aspects of terror-tagging. The discussion will further be theorized using the Marxist analysis of the State and informed by interviews of Atty. Maria Sol Taule and Cristina Palabay. They are both human rights workers who have worked with terror-tagged activists and are themselves subjected to terror-tagging. (shrink)

This article asserts that Philippine journalism practices parrhesia by exploring the present situation of the Philippine press vis-à-vis Foucault's concept of Parrhesia (fearless speech). Foucault's concept of Parrhesia is a feasible practice that gives a description as to why the Philippine press experience a curtailment of their rights in their duty to speak truth to power. Foucault claims that the practice of parrhesia is a critique of present circumstances, or what Foucault calls 'history of the present,' where a specific regime (...) of truth is imposed by power via a variety of strategies that run through both institutional and non-institutional practices. In contrast, the Philippine press battles the Duterte administration and its machinery of misinformation in social media amidst the repercussions they might face, all in the name of their duty and obligation to the truth. At present, as the Philippine press continues to do the duty of monitoring Duterte's political power, journalists and press workers continually face dangers and harassments in striving to fulfill their duties as independent monitors of power, and resisting the fascistic tendency of the present government that does everything in its power to control and repress anyone that dares to challenge his power. (shrink)

As the Philippines continues to grapple with the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, new modalities of instruction are being devised by the administration of Rodrigo Duterte, through the Department of Education (DepEd). Among these are what the DepEd provided as self-learning modules (SLMs) combined with “alternative learning delivery modalities” which include radio-based instruction (DepEd 2020). The SLMs and radiobased instruction are the most common modalities of learning, being the most accessible especially for the poor students of the country. This (...) paper will examine the pedagogical and political dimensions of a radio-based instruction. Coming from the tradition of philosophy of technology that emphasizes the political nature of technology, I will argue how the logic of radio broadcasting predetermines a specific pedagogy and form of communication. I will further argue how this predetermined form of communication carries the danger of being an effective support for authoritarianism. (shrink)

Since the era of modern philosophy, we have always assumed as though rights, as they are primarily based upon natural law, are natural inalienable rights. For the longest time this has worked out well for the protection of our natural necessities to life, liberty, and property. In the Filipino experience, however, the biggest human rights violation is the everyday denial of such rights. When human rights are in fact, propertied and is based upon class-biases, we ought to rethink whether human (...) rights are truly inalienable. (shrink)