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Iñigo González Ricoy
Universitat de Barcelona
  1. The Republican Case for Workplace Democracy.Iñigo González-Ricoy - 2014 - Social Theory and Practice 40 (2):232-254.
    The republican case for workplace democracy is presented and defended from two alternative means of ensuring freedom from arbitrary interference in the firm—namely, the right to freely exit the firm and workplace regulation. This paper shows, respectively, that costless exit is neither possible nor desirable in either perfect or imperfect labor markets, and that managerial discretion is both desirable and inevitable due to the incompleteness of employment contracts and labor legislation. The paper then shows that WD is necessary, from a (...)
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  2. Little Republics: Authority and the Political Nature of the Firm.Iñigo González-Ricoy - 2022 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 50 (1):90-120.
    Political theorists have recently sought to replace the liberal, contractual theory of the firm with a political view that models the authority relation of employee to firm, and its appropriate regulation, on that of subject to state. This view is liable to serious difficulties, however, given existing discontinuities between corporate and civil authority as to their coerciveness, entry and exit conditions, scope, legal standing, and efficiency constraints. I here inspect these, and argue that, albeit in some cases significant, such discontinuities (...)
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  3.  73
    No Masters Above: Testing Five Arguments for Self-Employment.Inigo González-Ricoy & Jahel Queralt - 2021 - In Keith Breen (ed.), The Politics and Ethics of Contemporary Work. Whither Work? London: Routledge.
    Despite renewed interest in work, philosophers have largely ignored self-employment. This neglect is surprising, not just because self-employment was central to classic philosophizing about work, but also given that half of the global workforce today, including one in seven workers in OECD countries, are self-employed. We start off by offering a definition of self-employment, one that accounts for its various forms while avoiding misclassifying dependent self-employed workers as independent contractors, and by mapping the barriers to becoming and remaining self-employed (section (...)
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  4.  61
    Ownership and Control Rights in Democratic Firms: A Republican Approach.Inigo González-Ricoy - 2020 - Review of Social Economy 78 (3):411-430.
    Workplace democracy is often defined, and has recently been defended, as a form of intra-firm governance in which workers have control rights over management with no ownership requirement on their part. Using the normative tools of republican political theory, the paper examines bargaining power disparities and moral hazard problems resulting from the allocation of control rights and ownership to different groups within democratic firms, with a particular reference to the European codetermination system. With various qualifications related to potentially mitigating factors, (...)
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  5.  91
    Political Liberties and Social Equality.Inigo González-Ricoy & Jahel Queralt - 2018 - Law and Philosophy 37 (6):613-638.
    This paper examines the link between political liberties and social equality, and contends that the former are constitutive of, i.e. necessary to secure, the latter. Although this constitutive link is often assumed in the literature on political liberties, the reasons why it holds true remain largely unexplored. Three such reasons are examined here. First, political liberties are constitutive of social equality because they bestow political power on their holders, leaving disenfranchised individuals excluded from decisions that are particularly pervasive, coercively enforced, (...)
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  6.  76
    Firm Authority and Workplace Democracy: A Reply to Jacob and Neuhäuser.Iñigo González-Ricoy - 2019 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 22 (3):679-684.
    Workplace democracy is often advocated on two intertwined views. The first is that the authority relation of employee to firm is akin to that of subject to state, such that reasons favoring democracy in the state may likewise apply to the firm. The second is that, when democratic controls are absent in the workplace, employees are liable to objectionable forms of subordination by their bosses, who may then issue arbitrary directives on matters ranging from pay to the allocation of overtime (...)
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  7. Self-Employment and Independence.Iñigo González-Ricoy - forthcoming - In Julian Jonker & Grant J. Rozeboom (eds.), Working as Equals. Oxford University Press.
    Self-employment merits protection and promotion, we often hear, because it confers independence from a boss. But what, if anything, is wrong with having a boss? On one of the two views that this chapter inspects, being under the power of a boss is objectionable as such, no matter how suitably checked this power may be, for it undermines workers’ agency. On a second view, which republican theorists favor, what is objectionable is subjection not to the power of a boss as (...)
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  8. Intergenerational Justice and Institutions for the Long Term.Inigo Gonzalez-Ricoy - 2021 - In Klaus Goetz (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Time and Politics. New York, USA: Oxford University Press.
    Institutions to address short-termism in public policymaking and to more suitably discharge our duties toward future generations have elicited much recent normative research, which this chapter surveys. It focuses on two prominent institutions: insulating devices, which seek to mitigate short-termist electoral pressures by transferring authority away to independent bodies, and constraining devices, which seek to bind elected officials to intergenerationally fair rules from which deviation is costly. The chapter first discusses sufficientarian, egalitarian, and prioritarian theories of our duties toward future (...)
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  9. The Ballot and the Wallet: Self-Respect and the Fair Value of Political Liberties.Jahel Queralt & Iñigo González-Ricoy - 2021 - European Journal of Philosophy 29 (2):410-424.
    Economic disparities often translate into disparities in political influence, rendering political liberties less worthy to poor citizens than to wealthier ones. Concerned with this, Rawls advocated that a guarantee of the fair value of political liberties be included in the first principle of justice as fairness, with significant regulatory and distributive implications. He nonetheless supplied little examination of the content and grounding of such guarantee, which we here offer. After examining three uncompelling arguments in its favor, we complete a more (...)
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  10. An Account of the Democratic Status of Constitutional Rights.Iñigo González-Ricoy - 2013 - Res Publica 19 (3):241-256.
    The paper makes a twofold contribution. Firstly, it advances a preliminary account of the conditions that need to obtain for constitutional rights to be democratic. Secondly, in so doing, it defends precommitment-based theories from a criticism raised by Jeremy Waldron—namely, that constitutional rights do not become any more democratic when they are democratically adopted, for the people could adopt undemocratic policies without such policies becoming democratic as a result. The paper shows that the reductio applies to political rights, yet not (...)
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  11.  78
    Democratic Legitimacy and the Paradox of Persisting Opposition.Iñigo González-Ricoy - 2017 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 34 (1):130-146.
    The paradox of persisting opposition raises a puzzle for normative accounts of democratic legitimacy. It involves an outvoted democrat who opposes a given policy while supporting it. The article makes a threefold contribution to the existing literature. First, it considers pure proceduralist and pure instrumentalist alternatives to solve the paradox and finds them wanting — on normative, conceptual, and empirical grounds. Second, it presents a solution based on a two-level distinction between substantive and procedural legitimacy that shows that citizens are (...)
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  12. Enfranchising the Future: Climate Justice and the Representation of Future Generations.Inigo Gonzalez-Ricoy - 2019 - Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Climate Change 10 (5):e598.
    Representing unborn generations to more suitably include future interests in today's climate policymaking has sparked much interest in recent years. In this review we survey the main proposed instruments to achieve this effect, some of which have been attempted in polities such as Israel, Philippines, Wales, Finland, and Chile. We first review recent normative work on the idea of representing future people in climate governance: The grounds on which it has been advocated, and the main difficulties that traditional forms of (...)
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  13. Environmental Rights by Constitutional Means.Iñigo González-Ricoy - 2015 - In Marcello Di Paola & Daanika Kamal (eds.), Climate Change and Human Rights. Global Policy / Wiley-Blackwell.
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  14.  61
    Anderson, Elizabeth. Private Government: How Employers Rule Our Lives . Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2017. Pp. Xxiii+224. $27.95. [REVIEW]Iñigo González-Ricoy - 2018 - Ethics 128 (3):642-646.
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  15.  81
    Legitimidad intergeneracional.Inigo Gonzalez-Ricoy (ed.) - 2018 - Barcelona:
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  16. La voluntad de coherencia. Escritos en homenaje a José Manuel Bermudo.Inigo Gonzalez-Ricoy - 2016 - Barcelona: Horsori.
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