Although Merleau-Ponty’s early phenomenology of perception and his essays on art, politics, and language already showed an affinity between the aesthetic phenomena of expression and style and the political and cultural dynamics of society at large, this paper specifically focuses on his late theorizing of the notion of flesh and its relevance to his late understanding of politics and democracy. The emergence of flesh as a concept was contemporary to Merleau-Ponty’s break with Marxism as a philosophical model and with revolutionary (...) dialectics as a political project. It is by showing that such a break was consistently grounded on his theorizing of the being flesh of both the body and of society that this paper shows Merleau-Ponty’s unique contribution to democratic theory and to contemporary political philosophy. In the course of this analysis, it will become clear that in philosophically breaking with the position of a “no that is a yes”—i.e. the model of the revolution, which implies a total negation of the given that becomes a total affirmation of the new order (dictatorship) once in power—he would politically embrace the Weberian “heroic liberalism”—or his “non-communist left”—of parliamentary democracy. (shrink)

Chaos and Cosmos offers a new and unique interpretation of Argentine essayist and fiction writer Jorge Luis Borges as a thinker of what continental twentieth century political theory called the political. While not a political writer in the traditional sense, Borges was indeed an author whose response to the advent of totalitarianism, in particular in its Nazi form, generated the most experimental, insightful, and rigorous short fiction and non-fiction political interrogation. -/- As is well known, Borges’ writing went beyond originality; (...) it created a genre of its own, and the Borgesian style is not limited to form. This Borgesian style fundamentally relates to how his response to the advent of totalitarianism led to sharp and philosophically sophisticated interrogations-in-fiction of the political, understood in this book as related to three main distinctive dimensions: that of the question of the forms of society, that of the relationship between the imaginary and the real, and that of the relationship between the same and the other. -/- Chaos and Cosmos introduces the reader to Borges as an experimental writer, as an Argentine citizen, as a thinker of global political phenomena, and as a South American Pragmatist. The book also makes incursions in a political theorizing of its own, intertwining an interpretation of Borges’ essays and fiction pieces from the 1930s and 1940s with the central concerns of philosophers and political thinkers such as William James, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Hannah Arendt, Claude Lefort, Michael Foucault, Richard Rorty, and Judith Butler. (shrink)

Sections of the mass media report so closely on political decision-making that politicians cannot ignore the media when making decisions ; this book questions whether the decision-making process is now more important than any political action deriving from the decisions. Media appearances are no longer adjuncts to the political process ; they are the process.

En los capítulos que conforman este trabajo, me propuse analizar la relación entre los efectos de los atentados terroristas del 11 de sep- tiembre de 2001 y el funcionamiento de la democracia estadounidense. La estrategia seguida fue, en varias oportunidades, la de contrastar los acontecimientos y procesos ocurri- dos en los Estados Unidos con la experiencia de las dictaduras del Cono Sur sudamericano de los años setenta y comienzos de los ochenta; en particular con el caso argentino.

¿Como llegamos hasta este punto en que la democracia tal como la conocimos en las últimas cuatro décadas corre peligro? Las intervenciones de Martín Plot, recorriendo los conflictos centrales de los últimos 12 años de la política argentina, ofrecen una respuesta. En un nivel que podemos llamar discursivo con la condición de entender que el autor retiene en ese nivel todos los hechos económicos, sociales y políticos relevantes del período, podrán captarse, junto a la reaparición de la virulencia del autoritarismo (...) liberal, los efectos trágicos de la captura del progresismo y el peronismo en un faccionalismo excluyente escenificado como hostilidad a la renovación de figuras, ideas y repertorios políticos. Pero al mismo tiempo, bajo la argumentación precisa y al mismo tiempo poética de los textos, podremos discernir una arquitectura que funda un poderoso y poco discutido punto de mira sobre el proceso político: la concepción de éste como una disputa acerca del régimen político-constitucional – entendida como una disputa social por su interpretación – que se une al uso operativo de lo más actual de la filosofía política para entender la coyuntura. (shrink)