As a theoretical framework in the Science and Technology Studies (sts) scholarship, the sociotechnical imaginaries approach (sta) has provided a conceptual framework and methodology that not only overcome the deterministic understanding of technological development but also theorized the relationship between society on the one hand, and science and technology on the other. However, as will be pointed out, a limitation of the sta renders it incapable of problematizing what I will call as the technopolitics of specialization, defined as the organization (...) of unequal positions based on the capitalist centers’ control over techno-epistemic networks set against the backdrop of a neocolonial relation. Such an incapacity glosses over the persistence of neocolonialism and dependency especially in the Global South. -/- This paper aims to reimagine the theoretical framework of the sociotechnical imaginaries by developing a critical review of its approach. The paper will place in dialogue the most recent and relevant conceptual developments of the sta and the dependency theory of Samir Amin. The paper will present how the most relevant literature concerning the sta work on the assumption that every polity has control over existing techno-epistemic networks from which imaginaries are independently defined. The paper will argue that given the notion of international specialization developed by Samir Amin and presupposed today in the sta, the technopolitics of specialization monopolizes control of the techno-epistemic networks thereby constraining the imaginaries of peripheral countries. (shrink)

The article talks about the emergence of the theory of imperialism and neocolonialism, the reasons that gave rise to it, and its effects on the development of humanity in the current period. Imperialism is a multifaceted, multidimensional problem. It is a political issue, it has philosophical, scientific and technological foundations, it has economic, sociological, geographical, ethnic, religious and educational dimensions. But the fact that it is primarily a human problem makes it a multifaceted problem. Surely we can increase these (...) reasons. But no matter how much we multiply, colonization of one society by another society, confiscation of its wealth, enslavement and cultural separation is the most visible form of this. But this experience is not unprecedented in human history. Because human history has been a kind of exploitation, enslavement and attempts to create superiority. As Camus said, "Man emerges as the most dangerous being for his species". Attitudes to imperialism may vary between tribal and celestial cultures. After all, the culture of heaven is a culture cultivated by divine teaching. Exploitation and slavery are the dominant attitudes of tribal cultures. In these cultures, the relationship between man and man is based on power, wealth and nobility. In celestial cultures, the relationship between man and man was determined by nomos, divine laws. Heavenly culture is the product of a will that emerges for "good will" to prevail. It should be known that colonialism is a tribal behavior wherever and whenever it occurs. Because they do not see other societies as equal to themselves, it is a desire to dominate, exploit and enslave those who are not like themselves. From this perspective, colonialism can be seen as one of the oldest forms of behavior in history. This situation appears as the victory of the strong over the weak. Since transcendental attachment does not occur, they are in a position to absolutize their self. As a result, they see themselves as masters to be served, they see in themselves the right to such an inclination. It can be misleading to associate the colonial movement with human nature. It is more about the degradation and degeneration of human nature, it is about self-cultivation. It is a matter of outlook. The heavenly cultures, where the powerless were protected and spared, showed themselves not in a colonial style, but in a protective and compassionate way. We can see this patronizing relationship in the states established within the celestial cultures. (shrink)

O introducere în conceptele interdependente despre corupţie, globalizare prin instituţiile financiare internaţionale, şi neocolonialism înţeles ca exploatarea resurselor şi materiilor prime a ţărilor sărace şi în curs de dezvoltare de unele mari corporaţii multinaţionale. -/- CUPRINS: -/- Globalizarea - Organizarea globală a afacerilor - Comerţul internaţional - - Acordurile comerciale, blocuri economice şi zone comerciale speciale - Paradisurile fiscale - Guvernarea mondială - Mişcări anti-globalizare - - Ideologii şi cauze - - - Opoziţia faţă de instituţiile financiare internaţionale şi (...) corporaţiilor transnaţionale Colonialism - Definiţii - Tipuri de colonialism - Evoluţia socio-culturală - Consideraţii despre colonialism - - Universalism - - Colonialismul şi geografia - - Colonialism şi imperialism - - Vederea marxistă a colonialismului - - Liberalism, capitalism şi colonialism - - Gândiri ştiinţifice despre colonialism, rasă şi gen - - Post-colonialismul Neocolonialism - Dominanţa economică - - Teoria dependenţei - - Războiul Rece - - Corporaţii multinaţionale - - Fondul Monetar Internaţional Corporaţii multinaţionale - Dreptul internaţional privat - Corporaţii transnaţionale - Critici ale multinaţionalelor - Crime corporative - - Persoană juridică - - Politica de punere în aplicare - Paradisuri fiscale - - Clasificarea - - Metode de inginerie financiară - - - Rezidenţa personală - - - Rezidenţa corporativă - - - Folosirea activelor - - - Comerţul şi alte afaceri - - - Intermediari financiari - - - Acţiuni anonime şi la purtător - - - Controlul banilor şi al schimbului valutar - Mişcări anti-corporatiste - - Noua media digitală - - Creşterea globalizării anti-corporatiste - - Ajutorul tehnologiei - - Tehnologie şi politici culturale Instituţiile financiare internaţionale şi ajustarea structurală - Fondul Monetar Internaţional - - Critici ale Fondului Monetar Internaţional - Condiţiile impuse ţărilor îndatorate - Exportul de resurse şi materii prime din ţările sărace Corupţia - Nivele de corupţie - - Corupţia minoră - - Marea corupţie - - Corupţia sistemică - Corupţia în diferite sectoare - - Sectorul guvernamental/public - - Corupţia politică - - Corupţia în poliţie - - Corupţia judiciară - - Corupţia indicatelor - Metode de corupţie - - Mita - - Delapidarea, furtul şi frauda - - Extorcare de fonduri şi şantaj - Tipuri de câştiguri din corupţie - - Abuzul de putere decizională - - Favoritismul, nepotismul şi clientelismul - Prevenirea corupţiei - Programe anticorupţie - Corupţia legală - Corupţia politică - - Efecte ale corupţiei politice - - - Efecte asupra politicii, administraţiei, şi instituţiilor - - - Efectele economice - - - Efecte asupra mediului şi sociale - - - Efecte asupra ajutoarelor umanitare - Corupţia legală - Delictul de iniţiat (Insider trading) - - Analiza de securitate şi insider trading - - Uniunea Europeană Corupţia prin globalizare - Exploatarea ţărilor sărace prin corupţie - Complicitatea ţărilor bogate la corupţia din ţările sărace - Blestemul resurselor naturale: Corupţia - Globalizare > Corporaţii multinaţionale > Corupţie - Politici ale FMI şi Băncii Mondiale care încurajează corupţia Crime de stat - Încadrări în criminalitatea de stat - Practici şi riscuri ale criminalităţii de stat - Securitatea energetică - - Ameninţări la adresa securităţii energetice - Recuperarea valorilor - - Impactul social - - Descurajarea corupţiei - - Fezabilitatea curentă Activism - Activismul pe Internet - - Tipuri - Activismul transformaţional - Proteste - - Forme de protest - - - Demonstraţie publică sau miting politic - Mişcarea Occupy - - Mişcarea Indignaţilor şi Satul Democraţiei - - Sloganul "Noi suntem cei 99%" - - Scopuri ale Mişcării Occupy Legislaţie - LEGE nr.78 din 8 mai 2000 pentru prevenirea, descoperirea şi sancţionarea faptelor de corupţie - CONVENŢIA NAŢIUNILOR UNITE ÎMPOTRIVA CORUPŢIEI - - Legea nr. 365/2004 pentru ratificarea Convenţiei Naţiunilor Unite împotriva corupţiei, adoptată la New York la 31 octombrie 2003 Referinţe Despre autor - Nicolae Sfetcu - - De același autor - - Contact Editura - MultiMedia Publishing . (shrink)

Colonialism and Neo-Colonialism is a classic critique of France's policies in Algeria in the 1950s and 1960s and inspired much subsequent writing on colonialism, post-colonialism, politics, and literature. It includes Sartre's celebrated preface to Fanon's classic Wretched of the Earth. Colonialism and Neo-Colonialism had a profound impact on French intellectual life, inspiring many other influential French thinkers and critics of colonialism such as Jean-Francois Lyotard, Frantz Fanon, Pierre Bourdieu and Jacques Derrida.

The Afro-Latin dance known as ‘salsa’ is a fusion of multiple dances from West Africa, Muslim Spain, enslaved communities in the Caribbean, and the United States. In part due to its global origins, salsa was pivotal in the development of the Figuration philosophy of dance, and for ‘dancing with,’ the theoretical method for social justice derived therefrom. In the present article, I apply the completed theory Figuration exclusively to salsa for the first time, after situating the latter in the dance (...) studies literature. My first section explores Juliet McMains’ recent history, Spinning Mambo into Salsa, with an emphasis on the dynamics of class, race and sex therein. My second section explores a resonant Afro-Latin dance history, Marta E. Savigliano’s Tango and the Political Economy of Passion, where she deploys salsa’s sister-dance (tango) as a ‘counter-choreography’ to the choreography of postmodern neocolonialism. And my third section applies Figuration’s four central aspects of dance (or ‘Moves’) to salsa qua member of its ‘societal’ family of dance. In conclusion, through partnering with salsa, Figuration emerges as a member of its own ‘discursive’ family of dance, while salsa emerges as a gestural discourse capable of helping reconstruct a more socially-just world from the postmodern ruins of today. (shrink)

The ongoing global pandemic of Covid-19 has exposed SARS-CoV-2 as a potent non-human actant that resists the joint scientific, public health and socio-political efforts to contain and understand both the virus and the illness. Yet, such a narrative appears to conceal more than it reveals. The seeming agentiality of the novel coronavirus is itself but one manifestation of the continuous destruction of biodiversity, climate change, socio-economic inequalities, neocolonialism, overconsumption and the anthropogenic degradation of nature. Furthermore, focusing on the virus (...) – an entity that holds an ambiguous status between the ‘living’ and ‘non-living’ – brings into question the issue of the agentiality of non/living matter. While the story of viral potency seems to get centre stage, overshadowing the complex and perverse entanglement of processes and phenomena which activated these potentials in the first place, the Covid-19 pandemic also becomes a prism that sheds light on the issues of environmental violence; social and environmental injustices; more-than-human agentiality; and ethico-political responses that the present situation may mobilise. -/- This article serves as a written record of joint conversations between artists and researchers in the working group ‘Non/Living Queerings’ that formed part of the online series of events ‘Braiding Friction’ organised by the research project Biofriction. The article strives to capture the collective effort of braiding and weaving a variety of situated perspectives, theoretical toolboxes, knowledges and experiences against the background of the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic. In particular, the text focuses on the issues of crisis, ‘amplification effect’, viral agency and the changing notions of humanity. (shrink)

The phenomena of terrorism and other politically motivated violence have been assessed across different disciplines from political science and economics to theology and psychology. Whereas the definitions of the concepts of “terrorism” and “terrorist” are disputed and they rather reflect the perspectives of the defining entity, there is a common consensus that terrorism can be classified in terms of its type (such as state-sponsored, dissent, religious, pathological, narco-, cyber-, and bioterrorism), the scale (i.e. domestic vs. international), motives, and objectives. By (...) the same token, the roots and causes of terrorism can be enumerated as internal sources (such as social, economic, political, and cultural indicators) and external sources (such as colonialism and neocolonialism, regional conflicts and historical enmities, failed/failing states and lawless areas, and the penetration of foreign cultures and lifestyles). Although such grounds can be considered as the collective causes, they can merely address how one becomes a potential appropriate recruit for terrorist organizations. Hence, identifying the causes of terrorism is of paramount significance in order to both combat and most importantly prevent terrorism. Given that the first generation of psychological approaches to terrorist violence, chiefly drawing from psychoanalytic theory, has basically run its course, this study takes a systematic approach to evaluate the root causes of terrorism, particularly from social and behavioral perspectives, and attempts to address some key questions such as the progress of and reasons for individuals supporting, joining and leaving terrorist organizations, the relevance of psychopathology to comprehending and preventing terrorism, and the roles of ideology, identity, and belonging in terrorist behavior. (shrink)

Un mic ghid despre conceptele politice pentru politicieni şi activişti. -/- Politica este procesul de luare a deciziilor de către grupuri de oameni. Termenul se aplică guvernelor civile, dar acest proces s-a observat în toate interacţiile între grupurile umane, inclusiv în instituţii corporative, academice şi religioase. Ea constă din "relaţii sociale implicând autoritatea sau puterea" şi se referă la reglementări ale unităţilor politice, şi la metode şi tactici folosite pentru a formula şi aplica politica. Maxima lui Samuel Gompers, parafrazată adesea (...) ca "Premiază prietenii şi pedepseşte duşmanii", se referă la două din cele cinci tipuri de putere recunoscute de psihologii sociali: puterea stimulativă (puterea de a premia) şi puterea coercitivă (puterea de a pedepsi). Celelalte trei puteri derivă din acestea. Puterea legitimităţii, puterea unui poliţist sau a celui care ia decizii, este puterea dată de unei persoane de o autoritate recunoscută pentru a impune standarde comportamentale. Puterea legitimităţii este similară puterii coercitive prin aceea că o comportare inacceptabilă este pedepsită mai mult sau mai puţin direct. Puterea deciziei este deţinută de persoane în virtutea unor aptitudini sau atitudini. Îndeplinirea dorinţei de a se simţi la fel ca o celebritate sau un erou este premiul pentru obedienţă. Acesta este un exemplu de putere stimulativă în care o persoană se autopremiază. Puterea expertului derivă din educaţie şi experienţă. De notat că puterea expertului este condiţională circumstanţelor. -/- CUPRINS: -/- Politica - Originea cuvântului 'Politica' - Sursa puterii în politică - - Puterea din punct de vedere pragmatic - - Autoritatea şi legitimitatea - - - Autoritatea tradiţională - - - Autoritatea charismatică - - - Autoritatea legal-raţională - - Suveranitatea Activism - Activismul pe Internet - - Tipuri - Activismul transformaţional - Dizidenţa - Grupuri de interese - - Tipuri de grupuri - - - Grupuri de profil - - - Grupuri promoţionale sau cu scop unic - - - 'Pompierii' - - Beneficii şi stimulente - Industria activismului - - Direcţii în industria activismului - Mişcarea Occupy - - Mişcarea Indignaţilor şi Satul Democraţiei - - Sloganul "Noi suntem cei 99%" - - Scopuri ale Mişcării Occupy - Organizaţii neguvernamentale - - Istoria Politici sincretice - Exemple de grupuri şi ideologii care pot fi descrise ca sincretice Alegeri - Ideologie - Votarea - - Procesul de vot - - De ce să votăm - - Votarea şi informarea - - Aspecte religioase - Parlamentul European - - Structura Parlamentului European - Alegerile în Parlamentul European - - Participarea la vot - - Sistemul de votare - - Grupuri politice Campanii politice - Alternative la campanii Comunicarea politică - Definirea conceptului - Ameninţarea - - Ameninţarea în politică - Propaganda Conspiraţii Corupţia politică Cultura politică - Definiţii - Anarhismul şi arta Filozofia politică - Guvernarea mondială Geografia politică - Geopolitica Neocolonialism Guvernarea - Paşapoarte biometrice Ideologii politice - Democraţia creştină - Democraţia directă - - Mişcări contemporane pentru democraţia directă - - Evoluţia democraţiei directe - - - Democraţia ateniană - - - Republica romană - - - Elveţia - - - Statele Unite - - - Democraţia electronică - - Trilema reformei democratice - Democraţia liberală - Democraţia socială - - Amplasări în spectrul politic - - Internaţionala Socialistă - Liberalism - - Liberalismul modern Istoria politică Justiţia - Conceptul de justiţie Media politică Parapolitica Parlamentul Partide politice Politica în România Politici europene - Uniunea Europeană Preocupări în politică - Politica ecologică - Securitatea energetică - - Ameninţări la adresa securităţii energetice - Apărarea antirachetă Sisteme politice - Formele de bază ale sistemelor politice - Forme antropologice ale sistemelor politice Spectrul politic - Politici de stânga-dreapta - Politici autoritare - libertariene Politologia Referințe Despre autor - Nicolae Sfetcu - - De același autor - - Contact Editura - MultiMedia Publishing . (shrink)

According to Kwame Nkrumah, the conscience of the African society is plagued with three strands of influences which have competing and conflicting ideologies: “African society has one segment which comprises our traditional way of life; it has a second segment which is filled by the presence of the Islamic tradition in Africa; it has a final segment which represents the infiltration of the Christian tradition and culture of Western Europe into Africa, using colonialism and neocolonialism as its primary vehicles.” (...) When these three segments with their conflicting ideologies are allowed to co-exist, the African society “will be racked by the most malignant schizophrenia.” Nkrumah’s solution, philosophical consciencism, presents an ideology aimed at achieving a harmony among the three segments in such a way that is “in tune with the original humanist principles underlying African society.” I do two main things in this paper: first, I present an analysis and critique of Nkrumah’s understanding of how the harmony is to be achieved in African societies; and second, I show how the theoretical ideas of philosophical consciencism – materialism, dialectical change, categorial conversion, socialism – are given actual form and content on the social-political scene through an analysis of Nkrumah's set theoretic terms. (shrink)

美国和世界正处于人口过度增长的崩溃过程中,其中大多数在上个世纪,现在全部归功于第三世界人民。消耗资源,增加30亿人口,将瓦解工业文明,带来惊人的饥饿、疾病、暴力和战争。地球每年至少损失1%的表土,因此 ,当它接近2100年时,大部分粮食的生长能力将消失。数十亿将死去,核战争几乎可以肯定。在美国,由于大规模移民和移民再生产,加上民主带来的滥用,这大大加速了这一点。堕落的人性无情地把民主和多样性的梦想变 成了犯罪和贫穷的恶梦。只要中国坚持限制自私的独裁统治,中国将继续压倒美国和世界。崩溃的根本原因是我们与生俱来的心理无法适应现代世界,这导致人们把不相干的人当作他们共同的利益对待。人权观念是左派分子宣扬 的邪恶幻想,旨在转移人们对无节制的第三世界母性无情毁灭地球的注意力。再加上对基础生物学和心理学的无知,导致部分受过教育的控制民主社会的人产生社会工程错觉。很少有人明白,如果你帮助一个人,你伤害了别人— —没有免费的午餐,任何人消耗的每一件东西都会破坏无法修复的地球。因此,各地的社会政策是不可持续的,一个个、没有严格控制自私的社会将崩溃为无政府状态或独裁。最基本的事实几乎从未提及过,即美国或世界上没有 足够的资源来使相当一部分穷人摆脱贫困并使他们继续生活。这样做的企图正在使美国破产,毁灭世界。地球生产食物的能力每天都在下降,我们的遗传质量也是如此。现在,和往常一样,穷人最大的敌人是其他穷人,而不是富 人。如果不进行戏剧性和立即的变化,就不可能阻止美国或任何遵循民主制度的国家的崩溃。.

อเมริกาและโลกอยู่ในกระบวนการของการล่มสลายจากการเติบโตของประชากรมากเกินไป, ส่วนใหญ่ของมันสำหรับศตวรรษที่ผ่านมา, และตอนนี้ทั้งหมดของมัน, เนื่องจากผู้คนในโลกที่ 3. การบริโภคทรัพยากรและการเพิ่มขึ้นของ3พันล้าน๒๑๐๐จะยุบอารยธรรมอุตสาหกรรมและนำเกี่ยวกับความอดอยาก, โรค, ความรุนแรงและสงครามในขนาดส่าย. แผ่นดินโลกสูญเสียอย่างน้อย 1% ของดินในทุกปี, เพื่อให้เป็น nears ๒๑๐๐, ส่วนใหญ่ของความสามารถในการเจริญเติบโตของอาหารจะหายไป. พันล้านจะตายและสงครามนิวเคลียร์เป็นทั้งหมดแต่แน่นอน.ในอเมริกา,นี้จะถูกเร่งอย่างรุนแรงโดยคนเข้าเมืองข นาดใหญ่และอพยพการสืบพันธุ์, รวมกับการละเมิดที่ทำได้โดยประชาธิปไตย. มนุษย์จะเปลี่ยนความฝันของประชาธิปไตยและหลากหลายเป็นฝันร้ายของอาชญากรรมและความยากจน จีนจะยังคงครอบงำอเมริกาและโลกตราบเท่าที่มันรักษาระบอบเผด็จการซึ่งจำกัดความเป็นที่ต้องการ สาเหตุรากของการล่มสลายคือความไม่สามารถของจิตวิทยาของเราที่จะปรับตัวให้เข้ากับโลกสมัยใหม่ซึ่งจะนำผู้ค นให้ปฏิบัติต่อบุคคลที่ไม่เกี่ยวข้องเหมือนกับว่าพวกเขามีความสนใจร่วมกัน ความคิดของสิทธิมนุษยชนเป็นจินตนาการที่น่าสนใจที่ส่งเสริมโดย leftists ที่จะดึงความสนใจออกไปจากการทำลายความปรานีของแผ่นดินโดยไม่ยับยั้งการเป็นมารดาของโลกที่3 นี้, บวกกับความไม่รู้ของชีววิทยาพื้นฐานและจิตวิทยา, นำไปสู่วิศวกรรมทางสังคมที่ถูกลบออกของการศึกษาบางส่วนที่ควบคุมสังคมประชาธิปไตย. ไม่กี่เข้าใจว่าถ้าคุณช่วยคนคนหนึ่งที่คุณเป็นอันตรายต่อคนอื่น—ไม่มีอาหารกลางวันฟรีและทุกรายการเดียวที ่ทุกคนใช้ทำลายแผ่นดินนอกเหนือจากการซ่อมแซม. ดังนั้นนโยบายทางสังคมทุกที่จะไม่ยั่งยืนและหนึ่งโดยหนึ่งในสังคมทั้งหมดโดยไม่มีการควบคุมที่เข้มงวดในคว ามเป็นที่ต้องการจะยุบเข้าไปในความโกลาหลหรือเผด็จการ ข้อเท็จจริงพื้นฐานที่สุดเกือบจะไม่เคยกล่าวถึงว่ามีทรัพยากรไม่เพียงพอในอเมริกาหรือโลกที่จะยกระดับเปอร ์เซ็นต์ที่สำคัญของคนยากจนออกจากความยากจนและเก็บไว้ที่นั่น ความพยายามที่จะทำเช่นนี้คือ bankrupting อเมริกาและทำลายโลก ความสามารถของโลกในการผลิตอาหารลดลงทุกวัน, เช่นเดียวกับคุณภาพทางพันธุกรรมของเรา. และบัดนี้, เช่นเคย, โดยไกลศัตรูที่ยิ่งใหญ่ที่สุดของคนยากจนเป็นคนยากจนและไม่ร่ำรวย. ไม่มีการเปลี่ยนแปลงอย่างมากและทันที, มีความหวังสำหรับการป้องกันการล่มสลายของอเมริกา, หรือประเทศใดๆที่ต่อไปนี้ระบบประชาธิปไตย.

In the middle of geopolitical currents, this paper seeks to replicate the discourse on the emergence and sustainability of language acquisition. As a writer, I believe that this discussion should be continued since it draws lessons from the current global position in which Ukraine finds itself, with Russia's horrific invasion. On the other hand, the degradation of many types of languages with a linguistic background implies that global, regional, national, and local constellations are now eroding local, national, and tribal languages. (...) Because this scenario has the potential for negative treatment, such as the systematic extinction of one language for the benefit of imperialism or neocolonialism, this overview is recreated to serve as a learning resource for the whole global community. (shrink)