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  1. Roots of Access: Un-Lock(e)ing Coalitions for Indigenous Futures and Disability Justice.Shelbi Nahwilet Meissner & Joel Michael Reynolds - forthcoming - Radical Philosophy Review.
    State violence against disabled people and Indigenous people as well as disabled Indigenous people has long been endemic in the US. Recent scholarship in philosophy of disability and disability studies rarely addresses the underlying issue that causes such state violence: settler-colonial conceptions of land. The aim of this article is to begin filling this gap in the literature. We detail settler colonial epistemologies and argue that the property relation underwrites operative concepts of accessibility dominant across disability theory. We show how (...)
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  2. Locke’s Conflicted Cosmopolitanism: Individualism and Empire.Daniel Layman - 2024 - In Benjamin Bourcier & Mikko Jakonen (eds.), British Modern International Thought in the Making: Politics and Economy from Hobbes to Bentham. Springer Verlag. pp. 71-91.
    In this chapter, Daniel Layman argues that there is not one Lockean conception of IR but rather (at least) two mutually incompatible conceptions: one a Ciceronian moral cosmopolitanism and the other a colonialism centered on British interests. Opposing Locke’s philosophical writings with his economic works, Layman’s reading acknowledges the contradictions and incoherence present in Locke’s IR theory.
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  3. COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL CONTRACT THEORY BY THOMAS HOBBES AND JOHN LOCKE.Levon Babajanyan & Hamlet Simonyan - 2019 - In Levon Babajanyan & Hamlet Simonyan (eds.), EUROPEAN UNIVERSITY: COLLECTION OF SCIENTIFIC ARTICLES. Yerevan, Armenia: pp. 296-302.
    The article presents a basic perception regarding social contract theory which is considered to be one of the most well-known and influential theories in western political philosophy. By exploring the concepts of social contract theory suggested by Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, an attempt is made to reveal various features and characteristics of the natural state. The article discusses the general description of the state of nature as well as the process of establishing a social contract as a means of (...)
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  4. Contrasting Political Theory in the East and West: Ibn Khaldun versus Hobbes and Locke.Jaan Islam - 2016 - International Journal of Political Theory 1 (1):87-107.
    Recent developments in our globalized world are beginning the scholarly world to answer the question pertaining to the relationship between Islam—a “faith”—and politics and governance. In order to understand the Islamic worldview from the perspective of Ibn Khaldun, with whom many modern Islamists would agree with, a comparison is made with early progenitors of liberalism and the social contract, John Locke and Thomas Hobbes. By understanding the fundamental differences between the theorists, and how Ibn Khaldun’s is completely separate from the (...)
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  5. Locke's State of Nature.Chris Lazarski - 2013 - In Janusz Grygiensl (ed.), Human Rights and Politics. Erida.
    Locke’s Second Treatise of Government lays the foundation for a fully liberal order that includes representative and limited government, and that guarantees basic civil liberties. Though future thinkers filled in some gaps left in his doctrine, such as division of powers between executive and judicial branch of government, as well as fuller exposition of economic freedom and human rights, it is Locke, who paves the way for others. The article reviews the Treatise, paying particular attention to his ingenious way to (...)
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  6. Health Care, Natural Law, and the American Commons: Locke and Libertarianism.Darrin Snyder Belousek - 2013 - Journal of Markets and Morality 16 (2):463-486.
    This article makes a moral argument for universal access to health care and for the legitimate function of government to guarantee that access. Constructed as a reply to the libertarian argument against universal access, this article utilizes the moral and political theory of John Locke, favored by libertarianism, to develop a Lockean argument for a view contrary to the libertarian philosophy. In particular, the argument here shows how libertarianism’s neglect of a crucial element of the natural-law tradition, to which Locke (...)
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  7. Creation and Authority: The Natural Law Foundations of Locke’s Account of Parental Authority.Andrew Franklin-Hall - 2012 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 42 (3):255-279.
    John Locke occupies a central place in the contemporary philosophical literature on parental authority, and his child-centered approach has inspired a number of recognizably Lockean theories of parenthood.2 But unlike the best historically informed scholarship on other aspects of Locke's thought, those interested in his account of parental rights have not yet tried to understand its connection to debates of the period or to Locke's broader theory of natural law. In particular, Locke's relation to the seventeenth-century conversation about the role (...)
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  8. The Compatibility of Locke's Waste Restriction.Daniel Layman - 2012 - Locke Studies 12:183-200.
    John Locke held that every person has a natural duty to use her property efficiently, and that consent is required for legitimate political power. On the face of it, these two positions seem to be in tension. This is because, (1) according to Locke, it is nearly impossible to use resources efficiently unless one lives within a political community, and (2)the waste restriction is enforceable. Consequently, it might seem that persons living outside civil society may be forced to submit to (...)
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  9. (1 other version)„The A. B. C. of Politicks“: Entstehungskontext und Rezeption von Lockes Zwei Abhandlungen über die Regierung.Michaela Rehm - 2012 - In Michaela Rehm & Bernd Ludwig (eds.), John Locke, „Zwei Abhandlungen über die Regierung“. Akademie Verlag. pp. 1-16.
    The paper is devoted to demonstrating the systematic value of the “Two Treatises of Government”. Even though their genesis is rooted in the political circumstances of Locke’s life-time, the “Treatises” are not simply a pamphlet designed to support the Whig cause, as Locke’s political ideas are derived from his theoretical philosophy and from his concept of natural law.
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  10. Lockean Freedom and the Proviso’s Appeal to Scientific Knowledge.Helga Varden - 2010 - Social Theory and Practice 36 (1):1-20.
    I argue in this paper that Locke and contemporary Lockeans underestimate the problems involved in their frequent, implicit assumption that when we apply the proviso we use the latest scientific knowledge of natural resources, technology, and the economy’s operations. Problematic for these theories is that much of the pertinent knowledge used is obtained through particular persons’ labor. If the knowledge obtained through individuals’ labor must be made available to everyone and if particular persons’ new knowledge affects the proviso’s proper application, (...)
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  11. Justification, legitimacy, and social embeddedness: Locke and Rawls on society and the state.Simon Cushing - 2003 - Journal of Value Inquiry 37 (2):217-231.
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  12. Locke's Militant Liberalism: A Reply to Carl Schmitt's State of Exception.Vicente Medina - 2002 - History of Philosophy Quarterly 19 (4):345 - 365.
    Carl Schmitt contends that liberal constitutionalism or the rule of law fails because it neglects the state of exception and the political, namely politics viewed as a distinction between friend and enemy groups. Yet, as a representative of liberal constitutionalism, Locke grapples with the state of exception by highlighting a magistrate prerogative and/or the right of the majority to act during a serious political crisis. Rather than neglecting the political, Locke’s state of war presupposes it. My thesis is that Schmitt’s (...)
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  13. Locke on Express and Tacit Consent.Paul Russell - 1986 - Political Theory 14 (2):291-306.
    THE SUBJECT MATTER of this essay is Locke's well-known discussion of consent in sections 116-122 of the Second Treatise of Government.' I will not be concerned to discuss the place of consent in Locke's political philosophy 2 My concerns are somewhat narrower than this. I will simply be concerned to show that in important respects several recent discussions of Locke's political philosophy have misrepresented Locke's views on the subject of express and tacit consent. At theheart of these misinterpretations lie misunderstandings (...)
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