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  1. (1 other version)Against compromise in democracy? A plea for a fine‐grained assessment.Sandrine Baume & Yannis Papadopoulos - 2022 - Constellations 29 (4):475-491.
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  • Telling a story in a deliberation: addressing epistemic injustice and the exclusion of indigenous groups in public decision-making.Katarina Pitasse Fragoso - 2022 - Journal of Global Ethics 18 (3):368-385.
    Deliberative scholars have suggested that citizens should be able to exchange arguments in public forums. A key element in this exchange is the rational mode of communication, which means speaking through objective argumentation. However, some feminists argue that this mode of communication may create or intensify epistemic injustices. Furthermore, we should not assume that everyone is equally equipped to take part in deliberation. Certain groups, such as Indigenous peoples, for instance, who may not be versed in rational forms of argumentation, (...)
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  • The epistemic value of deliberative democracy: how far can diversity take us?Jonathan Benson - 2021 - Synthese 199 (3-4):8257-8279.
    This paper contributes to growing debates over the decision-making ability of democracy by considering the epistemic value of deliberative democracy. It focuses on the benefits democratic deliberation can derive from its diversity, and the extent to which these benefits can be realised with respect to the complexities of political problems. The paper first calls attention to the issue of complexity through a critique of Hélène Landemore and the Diversity Trumps Ability Theorem. This approach underestimates complexity due to its reliance on (...)
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  • The Epistemic Responsibilities of Citizens in a Democracy.Cameron Boult - 2021 - In Michael Hannon & Jeroen de Ridder (eds.), The Routledge Handbook of Political Epistemology. New York: Routledge.
    The chapter develops a taxonomy of views about the epistemic responsibilities of citizens in a democracy. Prominent approaches to epistemic democracy, epistocracy, epistemic libertarianism, and pure proceduralism are examined through the lens of this taxonomy. The primary aim is to explore options for developing an account of the epistemic responsibilities of citizens in a democracy. The chapter also argues that a number of recent attacks on democracy may not adequately register the availability of a minimal approach to the epistemic responsibilities (...)
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  • (1 other version)Democratic epistemology and democratic morality: the appeal and challenges of Peircean pragmatism.Annabelle Lever & Clayton Chin - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (4):432-453.
    Does the wide distribution of political power in democracies, relative to other modes of government, result in better decisions? Specifically, do we have any reason to believe that they are better qualitatively – more reasoned, better supported by the available evidence, more deserving of support – than those which have been made by other means? In order to answer this question we examine the recent effort by Talisse and Misak to show that democracy is epistemically justified. Highlighting the strengths and (...)
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  • On Robust Discursive Equality.Thomas M. Besch - 2019 - Dialogue 58 (3):1-26.
    This paper explores the idea of robust discursive equality on which respect-based conceptions of justificatory reciprocity often draw. I distinguish between formal and substantive discursive equality and argue that if justificatory reciprocity requires that people be accorded formally equal discursive standing, robust discursive equality should not be construed as requiring standing that is equal substantively, or in terms of its discursive purchase. Still, robust discursive equality is purchase sensitive: it does not obtain when discursive standing is impermissibly unequal in purchase. (...)
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  • (1 other version)Democratic epistemology and democratic morality: the appeal and challenges of Peircean pragmatism.Annabelle Lever & Clayton Chin - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (4):432-453.
    Does the wide distribution of political power in democracies, relative to other modes of government, result in better decisions? Specifically, do we have any reason to believe that they are better qualitatively – more reasoned, better supported by the available evidence, more deserving of support – than those which have been made by other means? In order to answer this question we examine the recent effort by Talisse and Misak to show that democracy is epistemically justified. Highlighting the strengths and (...)
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  • Del procedimentalismo al experimentalismo. Una concepción pragmatista de la legitimidad política.Luis Leandro García Valiña - forthcoming - Buenos Aires:
    La tesis central de este trabajo es que la tradicional tensión entre substancia y procedimiento socava las estabilidad de la justificación de la concepción liberal más extendida de la legitimidad (la Democracia Deliberativa). Dicha concepciones enfrentan problemas serios a la hora de articular de manera consistente dos dimensiones que parecen ir naturalmente asociadas a la idea de legitimidad: la dimensión procedimental, vinculada a la equidad del procedimiento, y la dimensión epistémica, asociada a la corrección de los resultados. En este trabajo (...)
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  • Deliberation, cognitive diversity, and democratic inclusiveness: an epistemic argument for the random selection of representatives.Hélène Landemore - 2013 - Synthese 190 (7):1209-1231.
    This paper argues in favor of the epistemic properties of inclusiveness in the context of democratic deliberative assemblies and derives the implications of this argument in terms of the epistemically superior mode of selection of representatives. The paper makes the general case that, all other things being equal and under some reasonable assumptions, more is smarter. When applied to deliberative assemblies of representatives, where there is an upper limit to the number of people that can be included in the group, (...)
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  • Democracy and the Epistemic Problems of Political Polarization.Jonathan Benson - forthcoming - American Political Science Review.
    Political polarization is one of the most discussed challenges facing contemporary democracies and is often associated with a broader epistemic crisis. While inspiring a large literature in political science, polarization’s epistemic problems also have significance for normative democratic theory, and this study develops a new approach aimed at understanding them. In contrast to prominent accounts from political psychology—group polarization theory and cultural cognition theory—which argue that polarization leads individuals to form unreliable political beliefs, this study focuses on system-level diversity. It (...)
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  • Social Choice, Nondeterminacy, and Public Reasoning.Anders Herlitz & Karim Sadek - 2021 - Res Philosophica 98 (3):377-401.
    This article presents an approach to how to make reasonable social choices when independent criteria (e.g., prioritarianism, religious freedom) fail to fully determine what to do. The article outlines different explanations of why independent criteria sometimes fail to fully determine what to do and illustrates how they can still be used to eliminate ineligible alternatives, but it is argued that the independent criteria cannot ground a reasonable social choice in these situations. To complement independent criteria when they fail to fully (...)
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  • The Power of the Multitude: Answering Epistemic Challenges to Democracy.Samuel Bagg - 2018 - American Political Science Review 4 (112):891-904.
    Recent years have witnessed growing controversy over the “wisdom of the multitude.” As epistemic critics drawing on vast empirical evidence have cast doubt on the political competence of ordinary citizens, epistemic democrats have offered a defense of democracy grounded largely in analogies and formal results. So far, I argue, the critics have been more convincing. Nevertheless, democracy can be defended on instrumental grounds, and this article demonstrates an alternative approach. Instead of implausibly upholding the epistemic reliability of average voters, I (...)
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  • Criticizing democracy, democratizing critical theory: A brief retrospective on James Bohman's work.Kenneth Baynes - 2021 - Constellations 28 (2):151-158.
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  • Objectivity, trust and social responsibility.Kristina H. Rolin - 2020 - Synthese 199 (1-2):513-533.
    I examine ramifications of the widespread view that scientific objectivity gives us a permission to trust scientific knowledge claims. According to a widely accepted account of trust and trustworthiness, trust in scientific knowledge claims involves both reliance on the claims and trust in scientists who present the claims, and trustworthiness depends on expertise, honesty, and social responsibility. Given this account, scientific objectivity turns out to be a hybrid concept with both an epistemic and a moral-political dimension. The epistemic dimension tells (...)
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  • Proceduralism and the epistemic dilemma of Supreme Courts.Federica Liveriero & Daniele Santoro - 2017 - Social Epistemology 31 (3):310-323.
    Proceduralists hold that democracy has a non-instrumental value consisting in the ideal of equality incorporated by fair procedures. Yet, proceduralism does not imply that every outcome of a democratic procedure is fair per se. In the non-ideal setting of constitutional democracies, government and legislative decisions may result from factional conflicts, or depend on majoritarian dictatorships. In these circumstances, Supreme Courts provide a guardianship against contested outcomes by enacting mechanisms of checks and balances, constitutional interpretation and judicial review. Yet, in virtue (...)
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  • Decision Theoretic Model of the Productivity Gap.Liam Kofi Bright - 2017 - Erkenntnis 82 (2):421-442.
    Using a decision theoretic model of scientists’ time allocation between potential research projects I explain the fact that on average women scientists publish less research papers than men scientists. If scientists are incentivised to publish as many papers as possible, then it is necessary and sufficient for a productivity gap to arise that women scientists anticipate harsher treatment of their manuscripts than men scientists anticipate for their manuscripts. I present evidence that women do expect harsher treatment and that scientists’ are (...)
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  • Epistemic Injustice and Ideal Social Media: Enhancing X for Inclusive Global Engagement.Siraprapa Chavanayarn - forthcoming - Topoi:1-14.
    This article examines the phenomenon of epistemic injustice within the global social media landscape, using Southeast Asia as a case study. It explores how X (formerly known as Twitter) holds the potential to cultivate a digital public sphere that embodies justice and equitable dialogue, compared with major platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok. Beginning with an introduction to epistemic injustice, the article contextualizes its significance in Southeast Asia, highlighting the region’s digital challenges and opportunities. It then proposes characteristics necessary for (...)
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  • Spotlight: Pragmatism in contemporary political theory.Matthew Festenstein - 2023 - European Journal of Political Theory 22 (4):629-646.
    This article surveys recent work in pragmatism and political theory. In doing so, it shows both how recent work on pragmatism has secured the view that at its core is a set of arguments about the character of democracy – although the character of those arguments is open to debate and reimagination – and how pragmatist arguments have been reinterpreted and deployed to address contemporary concerns and approaches. This charts a terrain of live disagreements rather than settled opinion.
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  • (1 other version)Democratic Reason, Democratic Faith, and the Problem of Expertise.Alfred Moore - 2014 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 26 (1-2):101-114.
    ABSTRACTHélène Landemore's Democratic Reason develops one important line of research in political epistemology, which we can define as the study of the ways in which distributed knowledge is put together for the purposes of making political decisions. Landemore argues for the epistemic benefits of cognitive diversity in political decision procedures in a condition of epistemic equality—where there are no experts. Given this omission, her approach has undeveloped potential for a second line of research in political epistemology, on the problem of (...)
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  • Pragmatist Political Philosophy.Robert B. Talisse - 2014 - Philosophy Compass 9 (2):123-130.
    This essay surveys three prominent trends in current pragmatist political philosophy: Deweyan Democratic Perfectionism, Rortyan Ironism, and Pragmatist Epistemic Deliberativism. After articulating the main commitments of each view, the author raises philosophical problems each must confront. The essay closes with the more general criticism that pragmatist political theory has been nearly exclusively focused on democracy, but needs to address additional topics.
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  • Diversity and Dissent in the Social Sciences: The Case of Organization Studies.Kristina Rolin - 2011 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 41 (4):470-494.
    I introduce a case study from organization studies to argue that social epistemologists’ recommendation to cultivate diversity and dissent in science is unlikely to be welcomed in the social sciences unless it is coupled with another epistemic ideal: the norm of epistemic responsibility. The norm of epistemic responsibility enables me to show that organization scholars’ concern with the fragmentation of their discipline is generated by false assumptions: the assumption that a diversity of theoretical approaches will lead to fragmentation and the (...)
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  • Public Engagement through Inclusive Deliberation: The Human Genome International Commission and Citizens’ Juries.Naomi Scheinerman - 2022 - American Journal of Bioethics 23 (12):66-76.
    In this paper, I take seriously calls for public engagement in human genome editing decision-making by endorsing the convening of a “Citizens Jury” in conjunction with the International Commission on the Clinical Use of Human Germline Genome Editing’s next summit scheduled for March 6–8, 2023. This institutional modification promises a more inclusive, deliberative, and impactful form of engagement than standard bioethics engagement opportunities, such as comment periods, by serving both normative and political purposes in the quest to offer moral guidance (...)
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  • Let’s not agree to disagree: the role of strategic disagreement in science.Carlos Santana - 2019 - Synthese 198 (Suppl 25):6159-6177.
    Supposedly, stubbornness on the part of scientists—an unwillingness to change one’s position on a scientific issue even in the face of countervailing evidence—helps efficiently divide scientific labor. Maintaining disagreement is important because it keeps scientists pursuing a diversity of leads rather than all working on the most promising, and stubbornness helps preserve this disagreement. Planck’s observation that “Science progresses one funeral at a time” might therefore be an insight into epistemically beneficial stubbornness on the part of researchers. In conversation with (...)
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  • What Would it Mean to Call Rorty a Deliberative Democrat?Susan Dieleman - 2017 - Contemporary Pragmatism 14 (3):319-333.
    My goal in this paper is to determine whether there exists good reason to apply to Rorty the label “deliberative democrat.” There are elements of Rorty’s work that count both for and against applying this label, which I investigate here. I conclude that, if we can conceive of a deliberative democracy that is not informed by a social epistemology that relies on Reason; if we can conceive of a deliberative democracy that has a wider view of reason and of reasons (...)
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  • Breaking the filter bubble: democracy and design.Engin Bozdag & Jeroen van den Hoven - 2015 - Ethics and Information Technology 17 (4):249-265.
    It has been argued that the Internet and social media increase the number of available viewpoints, perspectives, ideas and opinions available, leading to a very diverse pool of information. However, critics have argued that algorithms used by search engines, social networking platforms and other large online intermediaries actually decrease information diversity by forming so-called “filter bubbles”. This may form a serious threat to our democracies. In response to this threat others have developed algorithms and digital tools to combat filter bubbles. (...)
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  • Post-sovereign power and leadership.Leslie Paul Thiele - 2019 - Contemporary Political Theory 18 (2):158-179.
    Power and leadership are typically theorized as exercises of sovereignty in the western tradition of thought. This essay takes up Michel Foucault’s challenge to escape the ‘spell of monarchy’ in our thinking in order to move beyond sovereign models of power. Interdisciplinary scholarship on complex adaptive systems provides fertile ground for this endeavor, illustrating the dynamics of post-sovereign power and opportunities for post-sovereign leadership. Viewing human organizations as complex adaptive systems helps us to theorize leadership without over-simplifying its nature or (...)
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  • Response to Open Peer Commentaries on “Public Engagement through Inclusive Deliberation: The Human Genome International Commission and Citizens’ Juries”.Naomi Scheinerman - 2022 - American Journal of Bioethics 23 (12):1-3.
    I greatly appreciate the open peer commentary authors’ thoughtful engagement with my proposal to include a Citizens’ Jury (CJ) at the level of the International Commission when exploring ethical re...
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  • Inclusion and the Epistemic Benefits of Deliberation.John B. Min - 2016 - Contemporary Pragmatism 13 (1):48-69.
    Contrary to the popular belief, I argue that a more inclusive polity does not necessarily conflict with the goal of improving the epistemic capacities of deliberation. My argument examines one property of democracy that is usually thought of in non-epistemic terms, inclusion. Inclusion is not only valuable for moral reasons, but it also has epistemic virtues. I consider two epistemic benefits of inclusive deliberation: inclusive deliberation helps to create a more complete picture of the world that everyone dwells together; and (...)
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  • Social science and the moral life.Chad Lykins - 2009 - Journal of Speculative Philosophy 23 (2):pp. 137-150.
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  • (1 other version)The possibility of an exclusionary public reason.Federico G. Abal - 2014 - Ideas Y Valores 63 (156):33-52.
    La concepción deliberativa de la democracia plantea algunas soluciones al desafío del pluralismo razonable. El hecho de que las personas estén divididas razonablemente por creencias omniabarcantes que reconocen como verdaderas y valiosas, establece inconvenientes en relación con la legitimidad de las decisiones políticas, su estabilidad y la justicia de las instituciones democráticas. Los teóricos de la democracia deliberativa resaltan la importancia del razonamiento público entre ciudadanos que se reconocen mutuamente como libres e iguales. Se analiza el componente normativo de este (...)
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  • Reprogramming Potentiality: The Co-Production of Stem Cell Policy and Democracy.Alessandro Blasimme, Bettina Schmietow & Giuseppe Testa - 2013 - American Journal of Bioethics 13 (1):30-32.
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  • Practical pursuit in stem cell biology: Innovation, translation, and incomplete theorization.Grant Fisher - 2023 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 97 (C):1-12.
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  • A Deliberative Case for Democracy in Firms.Andrea Felicetti - 2018 - Journal of Business Ethics 150 (3):803-814.
    The increasing centrality of business firms in contemporary societies calls for a renewed attention to the democratization of these actors. This paper sheds new light on the possibility of democratizing business firms by bridging recent scholarship in two fields—deliberative democracy and business ethics. To date, deliberative democracy has largely neglected the role of business firms in democratic societies. While business ethics scholarship has given more attention to these issues, it has overlooked the possibility of deliberation within firms. As argued in (...)
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  • (2 other versions)Richard Rorty and the Epistemic Defense of Democracy.Susan Dieleman - 2022 - Contemporary Pragmatism 19 (3):151-169.
    Richard Rorty has been taken to task for his apparent inability to defend democracy to the anti-democrat. Cheryl Misak, for example, in developing her own epistemic defense of democracy, argues that because he abjures truth, Rorty cannot provide any argument to show that democracy is superior to other political arrangements. In this paper, I agree with Misak that Rorty is unable to provide an argument, epistemic or otherwise, in defense of democracy, but show that this doesn’t mean he, or someone (...)
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  • A Peircean Epistemic Argument for a Modest Multiculturalism.J. Caleb Clanton & Andrew T. Forcehimes - 2011 - Contemporary Pragmatism 8 (2):163-185.
    Extending recent appropriations of Charles S. Peirce's work in political theory, we argue that the same epistemic norms that justify democracy offer a plausible basis for justifying multiculturalist policies aimed at protecting at-risk cultural groups. Because this epistemic argument is compatible with a full range of reasonable comprehensive doctrines, it fully accommodates the fact of reasonable pluralism, thereby skirting the Rawlsian objection to which the multiculturalisms of Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka fall prey.
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  • The problems democracy can solve.Matthew Chick - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
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  • Of algorithms and Mimesis—GAFA, digital personalization, and freedom as nondomination.Jonathan Bowman - 2021 - Constellations 28 (2):159-175.
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  • A multidimensional account of democratic legitimacy: how to make robust decisions in a non-idealized deliberative context.Enrico Biale & Federica Liveriero - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20 (5):580-600.
    This paper analyses the possibility of granting legitimacy to democratic decisionmaking procedures in a context of deep pluralism. We defend a multidimensional account according to which a legitimate system needs to grant, on the one hand, that citizens should be included on an equal footing and acknowledged as reflexive political agents rather than mere beneficiaries of policies, and, on the other hand, that their decisions have an epistemic quality. While Estlund’s account of imperfect epistemic proceduralism might seem to embody a (...)
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  • (1 other version)Against compromise in democracy? A plea for a fine‐grained assessment.Sandrine Baume & Yannis Papadopoulos - 2022 - Constellations 29 (4):475-491.
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