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  1. ‘the Long-lost Truth’: Sir Isaac Newton and the Newtonian pursuit of ancient knowledge.David Boyd Haycock - 2004 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 35 (3):605-623.
    In the 1720s the antiquary and Newtonian scholar Dr. William Stukeley described his friend Isaac Newton as ‘the Great Restorer of True Philosophy’. Newton himself in his posthumously published Observations upon the prophecies of Daniel, and the Apocalypse of St. John predicted that the imminent fulfilment of Scripture prophecy would see ‘a recovery and re-establishment of the long-lost truth’. In this paper I examine the background to Newton’s interest in ancient philosophy and theology, and how it related to modern natural (...)
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  • Early eighteenth-century Newtonianism: the Huguenot contribution.Jean-François Baillon - 2004 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 35 (3):533-548.
    John Theophilus Desaguliers’s allegorical poem The Newtonian system of the world, the best model of government crystallizes the contribution of several important French Protestant exiles to the construction of early Newtonianism. In the context of diverging interpretations of Newton’s scientific achievement in terms of natural religion, writers such as Des Maizeaux, Coste, Le Clerc and others actively disseminated a version of Newtonianism which was close to Newton’s own intention. Through public experiments, translations, correspondence, reviews and books, they managed to convey (...)
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  • Teológia a matematika v kontexte paradigmatických zmien renesančnej a ranonovovekej kozmológie a fyziky.Gašpar Fronc - 2022 - Bratislava: Univerzita Komenského v Bratislave.
    The publication offers an interdisciplinary and historical approach to the questions of exploration of the world with an emphasis on paradigm changes during the Renaissance and early modern times, leading to new concepts that we can accept as the beginning of the natural sciences in our current understanding. The main goal is to point out the connections between the paradigms of mathematics, theology and natural sciences, the connection of which is for the main protagonists an essential factor in the formation (...)
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  • Saving Newton's Text: Documents, Readers, and the Ways of the World.Robert Palter - 1986 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 18 (4):385.
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  • An editorial history of Newton’s regulae philosophandi.Steffen Ducheyne - 2015 - Estudios de Filosofía (Universidad de Antioquia) 51.
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  • EI retraso del reloj del universo: Isaac Newton y la sabiduría de los antiguos.Sergio H. Orozco-Echeverri - 2008 - Estudios de Filosofía (Universidad de Antioquia) 37:159-200.
    Desde hace algunas décadas es un lugar común en la Industria Newton mencionar una y otra vez la creencia de Isaac Newton en una sabiduría perdida. Sin embargo, el trabajo de crítica e interpretación al respecto se ha limitado a enunciar esta creencia sin ensayar una interpretación. Quienes más han trabajado el problema se han limitado a mostrar cómo esta creencia era plausible en el contexto intelectual de la época señalando a predecesores y seguidores de Newton que compartían esta creencia. (...)
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  • The Newtonian Equivalence Principle: How the Relativity of Acceleration Led Newton to the Equivalence of Inertial and Gravitational Mass.Craig W. Fox - 2016 - Philosophy of Science 83 (5):1027-1038.
    From late 1684 through mid-1685, Isaac Newton turned to developing and refining the conceptual foundations presupposed by his emerging physics. Analysis of his manuscripts from this period reveals that Newton’s understanding of the relativity of acceleration led him to seek a spatiotemporally invariant quantity of matter. He found two such quantities and then designed an experiment to discover their relationship. Interpreting the experiment, however, required distinguishing a new notion of force. Others have recognized the conceptual distinction between inertial and gravitational (...)
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  • La "filosofía experimental" de Newton.Alan E. Shapiro - 2007 - Estudios de Filosofía (Universidad de Antioquia) 35:111-148.
    Newton se rehusó a usar el término “filosofía experimental”, ampliamente usado en la Inglaterra de la Restauración al comienzo de su carrera, hasta 1712 cuando añadió un pasaje al Escolio General de los Principia que exponía brevemente su metodología anti-hipotética. No obstante, los borradores para la Cuestión 23 de la segunda edición de la Óptica (1706) (que se convertiría en la Cuestión 31 en la tercera edición) muestran que con anterioridad había intentado introducir el término para explicar su metodología. Newton (...)
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  • "La luz de la naturaleza": Dios y filosofía en la Óptica de Isaac Newton.Stephen David Snobelen - 2007 - Estudios de Filosofía (Universidad de Antioquia) 35:15-54.
    Este artículo discute la cercana relación entre la teología y la filosofía natural de Newton. Tomando como punto de inscripción el ejemplo de la Óptica, se refutarán estas lecturas de Newton. Primero, se examinará la evidencia que muestra que Newton contempló una declaración explícita de filosofía natural para la primera edición de la Óptica. Luego se discutirá el material teológico-natural añadido a la Optice de 1706. Al hacerlo, se señalarán ejemplos de su relación con las afirmaciones hechas en el Escolio (...)
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  • Pythagorean Pipe Dreams? Vincenzo Galilei, Marin Mersenne, and the Pneumatic Mysteries of the Pipe Organ.Brandon Konoval - 2018 - Perspectives on Science 26 (1):1-51.
    Sometime between 1589 and 1591, a momentous discovery was announced in Florence; or, at least, a discovery thought to be momentous by its promoter: "The true form of the octave is the octuple [ratio 8:1] and not the duple [2:1]".1 Thus taken out of context, we might be forgiven if we failed either to share the author's enthusiasm or to recognize the importance of his finding. But the fact remains that, sadly, nobody else did either: not only did his contemporaries (...)
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  • Modelos interpretativos del corpus newtoniano: Tradiciones historiográficas del siglo XX.Sergio H. Orozco-Echeverri - 2007 - Estudios de Filosofía (Universidad de Antioquia) 35:227-256.
    Este artículo pretende establecer los límites y alcances de las principales interpretaciones de Newton en el siglo XX, resaltando, de un lado, la evidencia textual de la que disponían los intérpretes y, de otro, las corrientes filosóficas y epistemológicas que definen los rasgos principales de sus interpretaciones. Se verá que el rechazo al positivismo no es condición suficiente para establecer una interpretación adecuada y que, de la mano del fortalecimiento de la investigación a partir de los manuscritos de Newton, se (...)
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  • Three concepts of causation in Newton.Andrew Janiak - 2013 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 44 (3):396-407.
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  • Newton and action at a distance between bodies—A response to Andrew Janiak's “Three concepts of causation in Newton”.John Henry - 2014 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 47 (C):91-97.
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  • The general scholium: Some notes on Newton's published and unpublished endeavours.Steffen Ducheyne - unknown
    Newton’s immensely famous, but tersely written, General Scholium is primarily known for its reference to the argument of design and Newton’s famous dictum “hypotheses non fingo”. In the essay at hand, I shall argue that this text served a variety of goals and try to add something new to our current knowledge of how Newton tried to accomplish them. The General Scholium highlights a cornucopia of features that were central to Newton’s natural philosophy in general: matters of experimentation, methodological issues, (...)
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  • Newton's Scholium Generale: The Platonic and Stoic Legacy — Philo, Justus Lipsius and the Cambridge Platonists.Rudolf De Smet & Karin Verelst - 2001 - History of Science 39 (1):1-30.
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  • Isaac Newton: ciencia y religión en la unidad de su pensamiento.John Henry - 2008 - Estudios de Filosofía (Universidad de Antioquia) 38:69-102.
    Una de las principales razones para el éxito de la filosofía natural de Newton fue el papel que ésta tuvo al desarrollar una teología natural valiosa. Además, Newton mismo publicó las implicaciones teológicas de su propia filosofía natural. Aunque en la primera edición de los Principia no hay ninguna señal de Dios, para la segunda edición (1713) Newton introdujo un "Escolio General" en el que explícitamente discutía la relación entre Dios y su Creación. La obsesión de Newton por la interpretación (...)
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  • The fragmentation of Renaissance occultism and the decline of magic.John Henry - 2008 - History of Science 46 (1):1-48.
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  • The reception of Newton's gravitational theory by huygens, varignon, and maupertuis: How normal science may be revolutionary.Koffi Maglo - 2003 - Perspectives on Science 11 (2):135-169.
    : This paper first discusses the current historical and philosophical framework forged during the last century to account for both the history and the epistemic status of Newton's theory of general gravitation. It then examines the conflict surrounding this theory at the close of the seventeenth century and the first steps towards the revolutionary shift in rational mechanics in the eighteenth century. From a historical point of view, it shows the crucial contribution of the Cartesian mechanistic philosophy and Leibnizian analytic (...)
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  • Essay Review: Revisions of Science and Magic: From Paracelsus to Newton: Magic and the Making of Modern Science, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the RenaissanceFrom Paracelsus to Newton: Magic and the Making of Modern Science. The Eddington Memorial Lectures delivered at Cambridge University, November 1980, by WebsterCharles . Pp. xii + 107. £12.50.Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance. Edited, with an Introduction, by VickersBrian . Pp. xiv + 408. £27.50.Patrick Curry - 1985 - History of Science 23 (3):299-325.
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  • Mechanics in the Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes.Christoph Lehner & Helge Wendt - 2017 - Isis 108 (1):26-39.
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  • Black Athena, Afro-Centrism, and the History of Science.Robert Palter - 1993 - History of Science 31 (3):227-287.
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  • Newton and music: From the microcosm to the macrocosm.Penelope Gouk - 1986 - International Studies in the Philosophy of Science 1 (1):36 – 59.
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