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  1. Voter ignorance and the democratic ideal.Ilya Somin - 1998 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 12 (4):413-458.
    Abstract If voters do not understand the programs of rival candidates or their likely consequences, they cannot rationally exercise control over government. An ignorant electorate cannot achieve true democratic control over public policy. The immense size and scope of modern government makes it virtually impossible for voters to acquire sufficient knowledge to exercise such control. The problem is exacerbated by voters? strong incentive to be ?rationally ignorant? of politics. This danger to democracy cannot readily be circumvented through ?shortcut? methods of (...)
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  • Education and articulation: Laclau and Mouffe’s radical democracy in school.Itay Snir - 2017 - Ethics and Education 12 (3):1-13.
    This paper outlines a theory of radical democratic education by addressing a key concept in Laclau and Mouffe’s Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: articulation. Through their concept of articulation, Laclau and Mouffe attempt to liberate Gramsci’s theory of hegemony from Marxist economism, and adapt it to a political sphere inhabited by a plurality of struggles and agents none of which is predominant. However, while for Gramsci the political process of hegemony formation has an explicit educational dimension, Laclau and Mouffe ignore this (...)
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  • Political liberalism and autonomy education: Are citizenship-based arguments enough?Gina Schouten - 2018 - Philosophical Studies 175 (5):1071-1093.
    Several philosophers of education argue that schooling should facilitate students’ development of autonomy. Such arguments fall into two main categories: Student-centered arguments support autonomy education to help enable students to lead good lives; Public-goods-centered arguments support autonomy education to develop students into good citizens. Critics challenge the legitimacy of autonomy education—of the state imposing a schooling curriculum aimed at making children autonomous. In this paper, I offer a unified solution to the challenges of legitimacy that both arguments for autonomy education (...)
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  • Exopedagogy: On pirates, shorelines, and the educational commonwealth.Tyson E. Lewis - 2012 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 44 (8):845-861.
    In this paper, Tyson E. Lewis challenges the dominant theoretical and practical educational responses to globalization. On the level of public policy, Lewis demonstrates the limitations of both neoliberal privatization and liberal calls for rehabilitating public schooling. On the level of pedagogy, Lewis breaks with the dominant liberal democratic tradition which focuses on the cultivation of democratic dispositions for cosmopolitan citizenship. Shifting focus, Lewis posits a new location for education out of bounds of the common sense of public versus private, (...)
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  • Equality in Education – Why We Must Go All the Way.Tammy Harel Ben-Shahar - 2016 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 19 (1):83-100.
    In this paper I present and defend a highly demanding principle of justice in education that has not been seriously discussed thus far. According to the suggested approach, “all the way equality”, justice in education requires nothing short of equal educational outcome between all individual students. This means not merely between equally able children, or between children from different groups and classes, but rather between all children, regardless of social background, race, sex and ability. This approach may seem implausible at (...)
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  • The Well-Being of Children, the Limits of Paternalism, and the State: Can disparate interests be reconciled?Michael S. Merry - 2007 - Ethics and Education 2 (1):39-59.
    For many, it is far from clear where the prerogatives of parents to educate as they deem appropriate end and the interests of their children, immediate or future, begin. In this article I consider the educational interests of children and argue that children have an interest in their own well-being. Following this, I will examine the interests of parents and consider where the limits of paternalism lie. Finally, I will consider the state's interest in the education of children and discuss (...)
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  • Communities of Inquiry: Politics, power and group dynamics.Gilbert Burgh & Mor Yorshansky - 2011 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 43 (5):436-452.
    The notion of a community of inquiry has been treated by many of its proponents as being an exemplar of democracy in action. We argue that the assumptions underlying this view present some practical and theoretical difficulties, particularly in relation to distribution of power among the members of a community of inquiry. We identify two presuppositions in relation to distribution of power that require attention in developing an educational model that is committed to deliberative democracy: (1) openness to inquiry and (...)
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  • The figure of the child in democratic politics.Daniel Bray & Sana Nakata - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (1):20-37.
    This article seeks to illuminate the figure of the child in democratic politics by arguing that children play a constitutive role as temporary outsiders who present both renewal and risk to the demos. Using Hannah Arendt’s concept of natality, we begin with an ontological account of children as new individuals that are central to renewing democratic freedom and plurality. In the second section, we explore how children can be conceived in terms of political risk by focussing on Arendt’s debate with (...)
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  • Democracy, Education and the Need for Politics.Ingerid S. Straume - 2016 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 35 (1):29-45.
    Even though the interrelationship between education and democratic politics is as old as democracy itself, it is seldom explicitly formulated in the literature. Most of the time, the political system is taken as a given, and education conceptualized as an instrument for stability and social integration. Many contemporary discussions about citizenship education and democracy in the Western world mirror this tendency. In the paper, I argue that, in order to conceptualise the socio-political potential of education we need to understand democracy (...)
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  • Education as a Social Right in a Diverse Society.Randall Curren - 2009 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 43 (1):45-56.
    The aim of this article is to outline the basis for a comprehensive account of educational rights. It begins by acknowledging the difficulties posed by diversity, and defends a conception of universal human rights that limits parental educational discretion. Against the backdrop of the literature of public reason and fair equality of opportunity, it sketches arguments for the existence of rights to education of some specific kinds. Those rights, and associated educational purposes, are systematised on the basis of a conception (...)
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  • A Politically Liberal Conception of Civic Education.Barry L. Bull - 2008 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 27 (6):449-460.
    Liberal political theory is widely believed to be an inadequate source of civic commitment and thus of civic education primarily because of its commitment to what is perceived as a pervasive individualism. In this paper, I explore the possibility that John Rawls’s later political philosophy may provide a response to this belief. I first articulate a conception of liberal politics derived from Rawls’s idea of reflective equilibrium that generates an overlapping consensus about political principles among those who hold a wide (...)
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  • Ends, principles, and causal explanation in educational justice.Jenn Dum - 2017 - Ethics and Education 12 (2):184-200.
    Many principles characterize educational justice in terms of the relationship between educational inputs, outputs and distributive standards. Such principles depend upon the causal pathway view of education. It is implicit in this view that the causally effective aspects of education can be understood as separate from the normative aspects of education. Yet this view relies on an impossible division of labor between empirical and normative work in educational research: it treats the causal roles that are understood and explained objectively through (...)
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  • Is Education for Patriotism Morally Required, Permitted or Unacceptable?Zdenko Kodelja - 2011 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 30 (2):127-140.
    If patriotism is morally unacceptable, as some philosophers believe, then also education for patriotism cannot be tolerated, although some other non-moral reasons might be in favour of such education. However, it seems that not all types of patriotism can be convincingly rejected as morally unacceptable. Even more, if MacIntyre’s claim is correct that patriotism is not only a virtue but also the foundation of morality, then schools ought to cultivate patriotism. For, in this context, patriotism is morally required. But if (...)
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  • Why Liberal Neutralists Should Accept Educational Neutrality.Matt Sensat Waldren - 2013 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 16 (1):71-83.
    Educational neutrality states that decisions about school curricula and instruction should be made independently of particular comprehensive doctrines. Many political philosophers of education reject this view in favor of some non-neutral alternative. Contrary to what one might expect, some prominent liberal neutralists have also rejected this view in parts of their work. This paper has two purposes. The first part of the paper concerns the relationship between liberal neutrality and educational neutrality. I examine arguments by Rawls and Nagel and argue (...)
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  • Education, Schooling, Derrida’s Marx and Democracy: Some Fundamental Questions.Nick Peim - 2012 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 32 (2):171-187.
    Beginning with a reconsideration of what the school is and has been, this paper explores the idea of the school to come. Emphasizing the governmental role of education in modernity, I offer a line of thinking that calls into question the assumption of both the school and education as possible conduits for either democracy or social justice. Drawing on Derrida’s spectral ontology I argue that any automatic correlation of education with democracy is misguided: especially within redemptive discourses that seek to (...)
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  • Equality, Self‐Respect and Voluntary Separation.Michael S. Merry - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (1):79-100.
    In this paper I argue that self-respect constitutes an important value, and further, serves as an important basis for equality. I also argue that under conditions of inequality-producing segregation, voluntary separation in schooling may be more likely to provide the resources necessary for self respect. Accordingly, I defend a prima facie case of voluntary separation for stigmatized minorities when equality – as equal status and treatment – is not an option under either the terms of integration or involuntary segregation.
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  • Iris Murdoch's Critique of Three Dualisms in Moral Education.Yoshiaki Michael Nakazawa - forthcoming - Journal of Philosophy of Education.
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  • Political Liberalism and Citizenship Education.Blain Neufeld - 2013 - Philosophy Compass 8 (9):781-797.
    John Rawls claims that the kind of citizenship education required by political liberalism demands ‘far less’ than that required by comprehensive liberalism. Many educational and political theorists who have explored the implications of political liberalism for education policy have disputed Rawls's claim. Writing from a comprehensive liberal perspective, Amy Gutmann contends that the justificatory differences between political and comprehensive liberalism generally have no practical significance for citizenship education. Political liberals such as Stephen Macedo and Victoria Costa maintain that political liberalism (...)
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  • The Potential of Education for Creating Mutual Trust: Schools as sites for deliberation.Tomas Englund - 2011 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 43 (3):236-248.
    Is it possible to look at schools as spaces for encounters? Could schools contribute to a deliberative mode of communication in a manner better suited to our own time and to areas where different cultures meet? Inspired primarily by classical (Dewey) and modern (Habermas) pragmatists, I turn to Seyla Benhabib, posing the question whether she supports the proposition that schools can be sites for deliberative communication. I argue that a school that engages in deliberative communication, with its stress on mutual (...)
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  • Why Education in Public Schools Should Include Religious Ideals.Doret J. de Ruyter & Michael S. Merry - 2009 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 28 (4):295-311.
    In this article we aim to open a new line of debate about religion in public schools by focusing on religious ideals. We begin with an elucidation of the concept ‘religious ideals’ and an explanation of the notion of reasonable pluralism, in order to be able to explore the dangers and positive contributions of religious ideals and their pursuit on a liberal democratic society. We draw our examples of religious ideals from Christianity and Islam, because these religions have most adherents (...)
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  • The evolution of philosophy of education within educational studies.J. R. Muir - 1996 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 28 (2):1–26.
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  • Cultural Coherence and the Schooling for Identity Maintenance.Michael S. Merry - 2005 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 39 (3):477-497.
    An education for cultural coherence tends to the child’s well-being through identity construction and maintenance. Critics charge that this sort of education will not bode well for the future autonomy of children. I will argue that culturally coherent education, provided there is no coercion, can lend itself to eventual autonomy and may assist minority children in countering the negative stereotypes and discrimination they face in the larger society. Further, I will argue that few individuals actually possess an entirely coherent identity; (...)
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  • Moral Education in the Liberal State.Kyla Ebels-Duggan - 2013 - Journal of Practical Ethics 1 (2):24-63.
    I argue that political liberals should not support the monopoly of a single educational approach in state sponsored schools. Instead, they should allow reasonable citizens latitude to choose the worldview in which their own children are educated. I begin by defending a particular conception of political liberalism, and its associated requirement of public reason, against the received interpretation. I argue that the values of respect and civic friendship that motivate the public reason requirement do not support the common demand that (...)
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  • Citizenship Education and Liberalism: A State of the Debate Analysis 1990–2010.Christian Fernández & Mikael Sundström - 2011 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 30 (4):363-384.
    What kind of citizenship education, if any, should schools in liberal societies promote? And what ends is such education supposed to serve? Over the last decades a respectable body of literature has emerged to address these and related issues. In this state of the debate analysis we examine a sample of journal articles dealing with these very issues spanning a twenty-year period with the aim to analyse debate patterns and developments in the research field. We first carry out a qualitative (...)
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  • Whose education is it anyay?Yael Tamir - 1990 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 24 (2):161–170.
    Yael Tamir; Whose Education Is It Anyẃay?, Journal of Philosophy of Education, Volume 24, Issue 2, 30 May 2006, Pages 161–170, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-97.
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  • Beyond democratic justice: A further misgiving about citizenship education.Kristján Kristjánsson - 2004 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 38 (2):207–219.
    This paper begins by rehearsing some commonly heard conservative and radical objections to the idea of citizenship education. I then explore another potentially radical objection, implicit in the tenets of ‘character education’ and ‘socio-emotional learning’ but rarely stated explicitly. According to this objection, citizenship education, with its overarching ideal of democratic justice, politicises values education beyond good reason by assuming that political literacy and specific (democratic) social skills, rather than transcultural moral and emotional ‘basics’, are the primary values to be (...)
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  • Citizenship, competence and profound disability.John Vorhaus - 2005 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 39 (3):461–475.
    In this paper I argue that reflection on competence and enfranchisement in relation to profound disability forces re-examination of the grounds of citizenship, with implications for theories of distributive justice in education. The primary purpose is less to point up that some people are disenfranchised without injustice; it is more to advance the view that, since enfranchisement is not an option for some profoundly disabled people, we require a conception of citizenship that is more sensitive to their distinctive needs and (...)
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  • La educación y el espacio público democrático. Un capítulo descuidado en la Filosofía política.Axel Honneth - 2013 - Isegoría 49:377-395.
    En este trabajo se examina la relación interna entre educación y democracia, así como la razón por la cual, pese a su papel crucial en la formación de culturas democráticas, esta relación se ha hecho problemática. Con el fin de mostrar, en primer lugar, qué consecuencias negativas tiene para la vida política contemporánea esta ruptura entre pedagogía y filosofía política y, en segundo lugar, cómo superarlas, este artículo explora algunos malentendidos básicos en torno a las condiciones culturales para la democracia (...)
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  • (1 other version)Common schools and uncommon conversations: Education, religious speech and public spaces.Kenneth A. Strike - 2007 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 41 (4):693–708.
    This paper discusses the role of religious speech in the public square and the common school. It argues for more openness to political theology than many liberals are willing to grant and for an educational strategy of engagement over one of avoidance. The paper argues that the exclusion of religious debate from the public square has dysfunctional consequences. It discusses Rawls’s more recent views on public reason and claims that, while they are not altogether adequate, they are consistent with engagement. (...)
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  • The promotion of moral ideals in schools; what the state may or may not demand.Doret J. de Ruyter & Jan W. Steutel - 2013 - Journal of Moral Education 42 (2):177-192.
    The content and boundaries of moral education the state may require schools to offer is a matter of contention. This article investigates whether the state may obligate schools to promote the pursuit of moral ideals. Moral ideals refer to (a cluster of) characteristics of a person as well as to situations or states that are believed to be morally excellent or perfect and that are not yet realised. Having an ideal typically means that the person is dedicated to realising the (...)
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  • The Normative Limits of Consumer Citizenship.Angela Kallhoff - 2016 - Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics 29 (1):23-34.
    In political philosophy, citizenship is a key concept. Citizenship is tied to rights and duties, as well as to concepts of social justice. Recently, the debate on citizenship has developed a new direction in focusing on qualified notions of citizenship. In this contribution, I shall defend three claims. Firstly, consumer citizenship fits into the discussion of qualified notions of citizenship. Secondly, the debate on qualified notions of citizenship cannot be detached from the normative claims in the philosophy of citizenship more (...)
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  • School choice as a bounded ideal.Sigal R. Ben-Porath - 2009 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 43 (4):527-544.
    School choice is most often viewed through the lens of provision: most of the debate on the issue searches for desirable ways to offer vouchers, scholarships or other tools that provides choice as a way to achieve equality and/or freedom. This paper focuses on the consumer side of school choice, and utilises behavioural economics as well as ethnographic and network studies to consider ways to structure choice which respond to actual cognitive and social processes of choice. These empirical studies give (...)
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  • Autonomy and vulnerability: On just relations between adults and children.Sigal R. Benporath - 2003 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 37 (1):127–145.
    The relationship between adults and children in liberal democracies is based on two flawed assumptions that are widespread: first, that childhood is an impediment, a passing phase of impaired maturity; and second, that children benefit from the proliferation of rights ascribed to them. Social institutions, and particularly the education system, are correspondingly misconstrued. This article focuses on the combined effect of vulnerability and autonomy as they construct contemporary childhood. I conclude that adults' obligations rather than children's rights are the appropriate (...)
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  • Critical thinking and education for democracy.Mark Weinstein - 1991 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 23 (2):9–29.
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  • Democratic communities of inquiry: Creating opportunities to develop citizenship.Luke Zaphir - 2018 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 50 (4):359-368.
    One of the most significant obstacles to inquiry and deliberation is citizenship education. There are few mechanisms for the development of citizens’ democratic character within most societies, and greater opportunities need to be made to ensure our democracies are epistemically justifiable. The character and quality of citizens’ interactions are a crucial aspect for any democracy; their engagement make a significant difference between a deliberative society and an electoral oligarchy. I contend that through demarchic procedures, citizens are subject to collective learning (...)
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  • Education for citizenship.Wilfred Carr - 1991 - British Journal of Educational Studies 39 (4):373-385.
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  • Against segregation: Ethnic mixing in liberal states.Margo Trappenburg - 2003 - Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (3):295–319.
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  • Adequacy in Education and Normative School Choice.Adelin Costin Dumitru - 2017 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 37 (2):123-146.
    In this paper I make a contribution to three distinct, but deeply interwoven subjects. Firstly, I argue that, at the level of ideal theory, the distribution of educational goods should follow a sufficientarian pattern and that the evaluative space of children’s advantage should be inspired by the capability approach. Secondly, the paper is delving into the more policy-oriented debates on the desirability of school choice. I argue that, given the non-ideal circumstances in which decision makers have to act, giving parents (...)
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  • (1 other version)Higher Education and Problems of Citizenship Formation.Morgan White - 2012 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 46 (4):112-127.
    The purpose of the university should be grounded in the concept of citizenship rather than the promise of increased future earnings and research consultancy work. However, this conception of citizenship should be republican rather than liberal. British higher education institutions have suffered at the hands of mechanisms intended to promote accountability. The concept of accountability has undermined the legitimate authority of the university. As pressures from student fee increases, fiscal austerity and accountability mechanisms further undermine the ethic of scholarship, the (...)
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  • (1 other version)How and why to support common schooling and educational choice at the same time.Rob Reich - 2007 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 41 (4):709–725.
    The common school ideal is the source of one of the oldest educational debates in liberal democratic societies. The movement in favour of greater educational choice is the source of one of the most recent. Each has been the cause of major and enduring controversy, not only within philosophical thought but also within political, legal and social arenas. Echoing conclusions reached by Terry McLaughlin, but taking the historical and legal context of the United States as my backdrop, I argue that (...)
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  • Misplaced Priorities: Gutmann’s Democratic Theory, Children’s Autonomy, and Sex Education Policy.Josh Corngold - 2011 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 30 (1):67-84.
    This paper offers a critique of the “democratic state of education” proposed by Amy Gutmann in her influential book Democratic Education. In the democratic state of education, educational authority is shared among the state, parents and educational professionals; and educational objectives are geared toward equipping future citizens to participate in what Gutmann calls “conscious social reproduction”—the collective shaping of the future of society through democratic deliberation. Although I agree with some of Gutmann’s broad recommendations for civic education, I have misgivings (...)
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  • Distributive Justice in Education and Conflicting Interests: Not (Remotely) as Bad as you Think.Tammy Harel Ben-Shahar - 2015 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 49 (4):491-509.
    The importance of education and its profound effect on people's life make it a central issue in discussions of distributive justice. However, promoting distributive justice in education comes at a price: prioritising the education of some, as is often entailed by the principles of justice, inevitably has negative effects on the education of others. As a result, all theories of distributive justice in education face the challenge of balancing their requirements with conflicting interests. This article aims to contribute to developing (...)
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  • Luck, Choice, and Educational Equality.John Calvert - 2015 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 47 (9):982-995.
    Harry Brighouse discusses two conceptions of educational equality. The first is a type of equality of opportunity, heavily influenced by the work of John Rawls, which he calls the meritocratic conception. According to this conception, an individual’s educational prospects should not be influenced by factors such as their social class background. The other, radical conception, suggests a person’s natural talents should not influence their educational prospects either. Brighouse favors the meritocratic conception, but this article argues that it is flawed and (...)
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  • Translating the ideal of deliberative democracy into democratic education: Pure utopia?David Lefrançois & Marc-Andre Ethier - 2010 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 42 (3):271-292.
    Is the idea that the self‐determination of all citizens influences progress towards democracy not merely a dream that breaks itself against the hard historical reality of political societies? Is not the same fate reserved for all pedagogical innovations in democratic education that depend on this great dream? It is commonplace to assert this logic to demonstrate the inapplicability of the ideas of both democracy and of democratic education. Though this argument is prominent and recurring in the history of political and (...)
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  • Education for democracy? A philosophical analysis of the national curriculum.Wilfred Carr - 1991 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 25 (2):183–191.
    ABSTRACT This paper shows that the stated principles and content of the National Curriculum are those presupposed in any justification of education in a democracy. What it also shows is that the National Curriculum can only genuinely exercise its democratic role in the kind of society which provides the social and cultural conditions necessary for its practical application. But since the National Curriculum is being implemented in a society which lacks these conditions, any failure to provide an ‘education for democracy’ (...)
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  • Group Identity, Deliberative Democracy and Diversity in Education.Sheron Fraser-Burgess - 2012 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 44 (5):480-499.
    Democratic deliberation places the burden of self‐governance on its citizens to provide mutual justifying reasons (Gutmann & Thompson, 1996). This article concerns the limiting effect that group identity has on the efficacy of democratic deliberation for equality in education. Under conditions of a powerful majority, deliberation can be repressive and discriminatory. Issues of white flight and race‐based admissions serve to illustrate the bias of which deliberation is capable when it fails to substantively take group identity into account. As forms of (...)
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  • Fred Clarke’s Ideals of Liberal Democracy: State and Community in Education.Hsiao-Yuh Ku - 2013 - British Journal of Educational Studies 61 (4):1-15.
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  • (1 other version)Capability and educational equality: The just distribution of resources to students with disabilities and special educational needs.Lorella Terzi - 2007 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 41 (4):757–773.
    The ideal of educational equality is fundamentally grounded in the egalitarian principle that social and institutional arrangements should be designed to give equal consideration to all. However, beyond this broad stipulation, the precise content of the ideal of educational equality is more difficult to determine. In this article, I aim to contribute to the debate on equality in education by dealing with the current, contentious issue of provision for students with disabilities and special educational needs. Thus, the paper addresses the (...)
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  • Humanization, democracy, and political education.David P. Ericson - 1991 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 11 (1):31-43.
    Given the current concern in the Soviet Union and East Europe to emancipate public education from its Stalinist past, it is understandable that educators have called for the “humanizing” of education. Yet “humanization” is a none too clear idea and must be approached, I propose, through its opposite: dehumanization. Dehumanization, itself, can be understood as the denial of the dignity of the individual — a cardinal principle of the philosophies that comprise classical and contemporary liberal theory. This principle of the (...)
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  • Autonomy, Candour and Professional Teacher Practice: A Discussion Inspired by the Later Works of Michel Foucault.Finn Daniel Raaen - 2011 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 45 (4):627-641.
    Autonomy is considered to be an important feature of professionals and to provide a necessary basis for their informed judgments. In this article these notions will be challenged. In this article I use Michel Foucault's deconstruction of the idea of the autonomous citizen, and his later attempts to reconstruct that idea, in order to bring some new perspectives to the discussion about the foundation of professionalism. The turning point in Foucault's discussion about autonomy is to be found in his proposal (...)
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