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  1. (1 other version)Immigration, and Common Identities: A Social Cohesion-Based Argument for Open Borders.Esma Baycan-Herzog - 2021 - In Corinna Mieth & Wolfram Cremer (eds.), Migration, Stability and Solidarity. pp. 155-187.
    What does social cohesion require in culturally diverse post-immigration societies? Immigration and social cohesion are, in the public debate, believed to be incompatible. In normative political philosophy, a similar understanding manifests in the argument that social cohesion-based on a common national identity-is incompatible with immigration. In so doing, its proponents justify restrictive border policies. In this chapter, I will critically engage with this argument by reconnecting the literature in social sciences to normative political philosophy. I will offer a conditional and (...)
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  • The Possibility of Multicultural Nationhood.Eric Wilkinson - 2021 - American Review of Canadian Studies 51 (1):488-504.
    In this article, I explain and defend the concept of multicultural nationhood. Multicultural nationhood accounts for how a nation can have a cohesive identity despite being internally diverse. In Canada, the challenge of nation-building despite the country’s diversity has prompted reflection on how to conceive of the national identity. The two most influential theories of multiculturalism to come from Canada, those of Charles Taylor and Will Kymlicka, emerged through consideration of Canada’s diversity, particularly the place of Québécois, Indigenous peoples, and (...)
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  • In a democracy, what makes an external self-determination claim reasonable? Some reflections on the moral aspect of the question.Joan Vergés - 2021 - Las Torres de Lucca. International Journal of Political Philosophy 10 (18):19-42.
    The central part of this article deals with the morality of secession. We present the three main "pure" theories about the morality of secession and suggest the greatest justifying power of an "impure" or mixed theory. At the same time, however, we advocate the need for a proper understanding of the question of the morality of secession. More specifically, we suggest that the best way to raise it is by introducing the notion of "reasonableness" into the question itself.
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  • An Antihumanist Reinterpretation of the Philosophy of Singularity.Dilara Bilgisel - 2016 - Uludağ University Faculty of Arts and Sciences Journal of Philosophy 15 (27):245-261.
    This article takes a close look at the discussion of singularity in Jean-Luc Nancy’s Inoperative Community and Being Singular Plural with the aim to comment on subject-object dichotomy and create a new context for its relationship with resistance. The philosophy of singularity is critical of humanism and the individualist model of subjectivity it advocates. By placing a challenging scenario of antihumanism against the humanist sense of responsibility, the philosophy of singularity questions whether it is possible to do philosophy without saying (...)
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  • Language Loss and Illocutionary Silencing.Ethan Nowak - 2020 - Mind 129 (515):831-865.
    The twenty-first century will witness an unprecedented decline in the diversity of the world’s languages. While most philosophers will likely agree that this decline is lamentable, the question of what exactly is lost with a language has not been systematically explored in the philosophical literature. In this paper, I address this lacuna by arguing that language loss constitutes a problematic form of illocutionary silencing. When a language disappears, past and present speakers lose the ability to realize a range of speech (...)
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  • A Short Study on Spinoza's View of Religion.İbrahim Okan Akkın - 2018 - In Roman Dorczak, Christian Ruggiero, Regina-Lenart Gansiniec & M. Ali Icbay (eds.), Research and Development on Social Sciences. Jagiellonian University. pp. 225-232.
    It is a matter of philosophical debate whether Jonathan Israel’s assessment of Spinoza’s notion of ‘state religion’ can be interpreted as an atheistic and Marxist reading of Spinoza. Contrary to the widely accepted view, Spinoza has a peculiar understanding of religion; and thus, his views cannot, simply, be equated with atheism. By relying on this fact, in this article, I am going to shed light on the issue and try to show to what extent Israel’s interpretation goes beyond what Spinoza (...)
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  • Movind the Debate Forward. Interculturalism's contribution to multiculturalism.Francois Boucher & Jocelyn Maclure - 2018 - Comparative Migration Studies 6 (1):1-10.
    In this article, we compare Ricard Zappata-Barrero’s interculturalism with Tariq Modood’s multiculturalism. We will discuss the relation between distinct elements that compose both positions. We examine how recent discussions on interculturalism have the potential to contribute to theories of multiculturalism without undermining their core principles. Our position is close to that of Modood’s as he has already carefully tried to incorporate interculturalist insights into his own multiculturalism. Yet we provide a raise a few questions regarding Modood’s treatment of the relation (...)
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  • Value Pluralism and Communitarianism.George Crowder - 2006 - Contemporary Political Theory 5 (4):405-427.
    Some theorists have argued recently that Berlinian value pluralism points not to liberalism, as Berlin supposed, but, in effect, to some form of communitarianism. To what extent is this true, and, to the extent that it is true, what kind of communitarianism fits best with the pluralist outlook? I argue that pluralists should acknowledge community as an important source of value and as a substantial value in itself, but they should also be prepared to question traditions and to respect values (...)
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  • Subjects of Empire: Indigenous Peoples and the ‘Politics of Recognition’ in Canada.Glen S. Coulthard - 2007 - Contemporary Political Theory 6 (4):437-460.
    Over the last 30 years, the self-determination efforts and objectives of Indigenous peoples in Canada have increasingly been cast in the language of ‘recognition’ — recognition of cultural distinctiveness, recognition of an inherent right to self-government, recognition of state treaty obligations, and so on. In addition, the last 15 years have witnessed a proliferation of theoretical work aimed at fleshing out the ethical, legal and political significance of these types of claims. Subsequently, ‘recognition’ has now come to occupy a central (...)
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  • Rawls, self-respect, and assurance: How past injustice changes what publicly counts as justice.Timothy Waligore - 2016 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 15 (1):42-66.
    This article adapts John Rawls’s writings, arguing that past injustice can change what we ought to publicly affirm as the standard of justice today. My approach differs from forward-looking approaches based on alleviating prospective disadvantage and backward-looking historical entitlement approaches. In different contexts, Rawls’s own concern for the ‘social bases of self-respect’ and equal citizenship may require public endorsement of different principles or specifications of the standard of justice. Rawls’s difference principle focuses on the least advantaged socioeconomic group. I argue (...)
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  • Indigenous rights in Chile: National identity and majority group support for multicultural policies.Samuel Pehrson, Roberto Gonzalez & Rupert Brown - unknown
    We examine support for policies affecting indigenous ethnic minorities in Chile. Specifically, we examine the role of national group definitions that include the largest indigenous group—the Mapuche—in different ways. Based on questionnaire data from nonindigenous Chilean students, we empirically distinguish iconic inclusion, whereby the Mapuche are seen as an important part of Chile's history and identity on the one hand, from egalitarian inclusion, which represents the Mapuche as citizens of equal importance to the nonindigenous majority on the other. Both forms (...)
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  • Group Rights.Peter Jones - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  • Religious Opposition to Same-Sex Marriage in Canada: Limits to Multiculturalism. [REVIEW]Laura Reidel - 2009 - Human Rights Review 10 (2):261-281.
    The case of the opposition to legalizing same-sex marriage in Canada is an example of the limits of what will and will not be tolerated in the name of multiculturalism. This case offers an interesting perspective on the topic of multiculturalism, because it deals with a conflict between those seeking to expand human rights and those seeking to prevent such expansion because of their adherence to a particular set of cultural and religious beliefs. Despite Canada’s commitment to recognizing and encouraging (...)
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  • Citizenship Education and Human Rights in Sites of Ethnic Conflict: Toward Critical Pedagogies of Compassion and Shared Fate. [REVIEW]Michalinos Zembylas - 2012 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 31 (6):553-567.
    The present essay discusses the value of citizenship as shared fate in sites of ethnic conflict and analyzes its implications for citizenship education in light of three issues: first, the requirements of affective relationality in the notion of citizenship-as-shared fate; second, the tensions between the values of human rights and shared fate in sites of ethnic conflict; and third, the ways in which citizenship education might overcome these tensions without falling into the trap of psychologization and instrumentalization, but rather focusing (...)
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  • Is There a Liberal Right to Secede from a Liberal State?Matthew J. Webb - 2006 - TRAMES 10 (4):371-386.
    This paper explores the question of whether there can be a right to secede from a liberal state by examining the concept of a liberal state and the different forms of liberalism that may be appealed to in order to justify secession. It argues that where the foundations of the state’s legitimacy are conceived in terms of a non-derivative right to self-determination, then secession from a liberal state may be a justified form of action for different types of groups including (...)
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  • Multiculturalism.Sarah Song - 2010 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  • Justice in migration: A closed borders utopia?Lea Ypi - 2008 - Journal of Political Philosophy 16 (4):391-418.
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  • Politics of difference and nationalism: On Iris young's global vision.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2008 - Hypatia 23 (3):pp. 39-59.
    Iris Marion Young’s politics of difference promotes equality among socially and culturally different groups within multicultural states and advocates group autonomy to empower such groups to develop their own voice. Extending the politics of difference to the international sphere, Young advocates “decentered diverse democratic federalism” that combines local self-determination and cosmopolitanism, while adamantly rejecting nationalism. Herr argues that nationalism, charitably interpreted, is not only consistent with Young’s politics of difference but also necessary for realizing Young’s ideal in the global arena.
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  • Educating the Reasonable: Political Liberalism and Public Education.Frodo Podschwadek - 2021 - Springer.
    Offering the first developed account of political liberal education, this book combines a thorough analysis of the theoretical groundwork of political liberal education with application-oriented approaches to contemporary educational challenges. Following in depth engagement with the shortcomings of Rawls’ theory and addressing some key objections to neutrality-based restrictions in education, the volume moves on to provide an insightful discussion of topics such as same-sex relations in sex-education, the position of migrant children and the rights of religious parents to determine the (...)
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  • (2 other versions)Liberalni nacionalizam: argument samopoštovanja.Elvio Baccarini - 2010 - Filozofska Istrazivanja 30 (1-2):295-310.
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  • Federalism as Fairness.Helder de Schutter - 2011 - Journal of Political Philosophy 19 (2):167-189.
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  • Taking religious pluralism seriously. Arguing for an institutional turn. Introduction.Veit Bader - 2003 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 6 (1):3-22.
    Political philosophy has difficulties to cope with the complexity and variety of state-religions relations. ‘Strict separationism’ is still the preferred option amongst liberals, deliberative and republican democrats, socialist and feminists. In this article, I develop a complex typology based on comparative history and sociology of religions. I summarize my reasons why institutional pluralist models like plural establishment or non-constitutional pluralism are attractive not only for religious minorities but for religiously deeply diverse societies in general. Most attention is paid defending associative (...)
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  • Taking Responsibility for Children.Samantha Brennan & Robert Noggle (eds.) - 2007 - Wilfrid Laurier Univ. Press.
    What do we as a society, and as parents in particular, owe to our children? Each chapter in Taking Responsibility for Children offers part of an answer to that question. Although they vary in the approaches they take and the conclusions they draw, each contributor explores some aspect of the moral obligations owed to children by their caregivers. Some focus primarily on the responsibilities of parents, while others focus on the responsibilities of society and government. The essays reflect a mix (...)
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  • Populismus, Liberalismus und Nationalismus.Volker Kaul - 2019 - Zeitschrift für Praktische Philosophie 6 (2):241-260.
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  • Citizenship, space and time.Nick Ellison - 2013 - Thesis Eleven 118 (1):48-63.
    This article examines changing modalities of citizenship in a fast-moving, informationalized and connected world. The argument here is that, in an increasingly globalized economic, social and cultural environment, forms and practices of citizenship inevitably – and increasingly – fragment across space and time. While this tendency for citizenship to ‘shape-shift’ politically and socially is not new – and indeed while the spatial fragmentation of belonging has been frequently commented upon, particularly in relation to the claimed decline of the bordered nation-state (...)
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  • Prospects for Transnational Citizenship and Democracy.Daniel M. Weinstock - 2001 - Ethics and International Affairs 15 (2):53-66.
    Many of the problems that would be faced in setting up transnational institutions mirror problems that have already been addressed by appropriate institutional mechanisms in the establishment of the modern nation-state.
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  • Character education and the disappearance of the political.Judith Suissa - 2015 - Ethics and Education 10 (1):105-117.
    In this article, I explore some contemporary versions of character education with specific reference to the extent to which they are viewed as constituting a form of citizenship education. I argue that such approaches often end up displacing the idea of political education and, through their language and stated aims, avoid any genuine engagement with the very concept of the political in all but its most superficial sense. In discussing some of the points raised by critics of character education, I (...)
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  • Cosmopolitanism and Global Democracy.Anthony J. Langlois - 2011 - Astrolabio 12:66-75.
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  • Global Health Justice and Governance.Jennifer Prah Ruger - 2012 - American Journal of Bioethics 12 (12):35-54.
    While there is a growing body of work on moral issues and global governance in the fields of global justice and international relations, little work has connected principles of global health justice with those of global health governance for a theory of global health. Such a theory would enable analysis and evaluation of the current global health system and would ethically and empirically ground proposals for reforming it to more closely align with moral values. Global health governance has been framed (...)
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  • Citizenship and the state.M. Victoria Costa - 2009 - Philosophy Compass 4 (6):987-997.
    This study surveys debates on citizenship, the state, and the bases of political stability. The survey begins by presenting the primary sense of 'citizenship' as a legal status and the question of the sorts of political communities people can belong to as citizens. (Multi)nation-states are suggested as the main site of citizenship in the contemporary world, without ignoring the existence of alternative possibilities. Turning to discussions of citizen identity, the study shows that some of the discussion is motivated by a (...)
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  • Citizenship goes public: The institutional design of anational citizenship.Theodora Kostakopoulou - 2008 - Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (3):275-306.
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  • Tongue-tied: Rawls, political philosophy and metalinguistic awareness.Yael Peled & Matteo Bonotti - unknown
    Is our moral cognition “colored” by the language(s) that we speak? Despite the centrality of language to political life and agency, limited attempts have been made thus far in contemporary political philosophy to consider this possibility. We therefore set out to explore the possible influence of linguistic relativity effects on political thinking in linguistically diverse societies. We begin by introducing the facts and fallacies of the “linguistic relativity” principle, and explore the various ways in which they “color,” often covertly, current (...)
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  • Droits humains et minorités culturelles.Amandine Catala - 2015 - Philosophiques 42 (2):231-250.
    J’aborde tout d’abord l’objection relativiste aux droits humains, afin de pouvoir ensuite me concentrer sur d’autres questions soulevées par la question des droits humains et des minorités culturelles. Le but de ma discussion est d’identifier et d’interroger les tensions potentielles entre minorités culturelles et droits humains, afin de montrer en quoi les droits humains peuvent protéger les minorités culturelles et, ultimement, de problématiser la manière dont cette protection peut se déployer. Dans ce but, je commence par clarifier deux notions-clés de (...)
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  • Liberal nationalism and cosmopolitan justice.Kok-Chor Tan - 2002 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 5 (4):431-461.
    Many liberals have argued that a cosmopolitan perspective on global justice follows from the basic liberal principles of justice. Yet, increasingly, it is also said that intrinsic to liberalism is a doctrine of nationalism. This raises a potential problem for the liberal defense of cosmopolitan justice as it is commonly believed that nationalism and cosmopolitanism are conflicting ideals. If this is correct, there appears to be a serious tension within liberal philosophy itself, between its cosmopolitan aspiration on the one hand, (...)
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  • National Identity – A Multiculturalist’s Approach.Varun Uberoi - 2018 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 21 (1):46-64.
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  • The Case for Inter-national Sport: A Reply to Gleaves and Llewellyn.Hywel Iorwerth & Alun Hardman - 2015 - Journal of the Philosophy of Sport 42 (3):425-441.
    In their recent contribution to JPS, Gleaves and Llewellyn argue on lusory and ethical grounds that elite sporting competition should cease to be predicated on competitions between nations. From a lusory perspective, they argue that inter-national sports’ limitation on who can compete undermines some of the central principles of elite sport, such as athletic supremacy and merit. From an ethical perspective, they argue that inter-national sport is categorically unethical because the national and cultural narratives that frame such contests are inherently (...)
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  • Cosmopolitan Impartiality and Patriotic Partiality.Kok-Chor Tan - 2005 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 35 (sup1):165-192.
    Cosmopolitanism, as a moral idea, holds that individuals are the ultimate units of moral worth and are entitled to equal consideration, regardless of contingencies such as citizenship or nationality. In one common interpretation, cosmopolitan justice not only regards individuals as the basic subjects of moral concern, but it also requires distributive principles to transcend national affiliations and to apply equally to all persons of the world. As Simon Caney puts it, “persons’ entitlements should not be determined by factors such as (...)
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  • The French New Right: multiculturalism of the right and the recognition/exclusionism syndrome.Alberto Spektorowski - 2012 - Journal of Global Ethics 8 (1):41-61.
    This article studies a seeming paradox ? the adoption of multi-culturalist strategies and arguments by the neo-fascist European New Right. Why would neo-fascists adopt such a theoretical framework, and why has multiculturalism failed in Europe? In this article, I argue that the European New Right employs a multiculturalism framework, which I define as a recognition/exclusionist one, in order to create a new discourse of ?legitimate exclusionism? of non-authentic European immigrants. In short, multiculturalism, by celebrating differences between ethnic and cultural groups, (...)
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  • (3 other versions)Is liberal nationalism incompatible with global democracy?Helder de Schutter & Ronald Tinnevelt - 2009 - Metaphilosophy 40 (1):109-130.
    To respond to globalization‐related challenges, many contemporary political theorists have argued for forms of democracy beyond the level of the nation‐state. Since the early 1990s, however, political theory has also witnessed a renewed normative defense of nationhood. Liberal nationalists have been influential in claiming that the state should protect and promote national identities, and that it is desirable that the boundaries of national and political units coincide. At first glance, both positions—global democracy and nationalism—seem to contradict each other. We do (...)
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  • Headscarves: A Comparison of Public Thought and Public Policy in Germany and the Netherlands.Sawitri Saharso - 2007 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 10 (4):513-530.
    This article focuses on public debates and public policy on the Islamic headscarf in the Netherlands and Germany. In the Netherlands the Islamic headscarf meets with an accommodating policy reaction, while in Germany some eight federal states have introduced legislation to ban the headscarf. This difference is explained, so I argue, by national differences in citizenship traditions. While the Netherlands represents a multicultural model, Germany used to be the paradigmatic example of an ethno‐cultural model of citizenship. Yet, the reaction of (...)
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  • Empathy, honour, and the apprenticeship of violence: rudiments of a psychohistorical critique of the individualistic science of evil.Nicolas J. Bullot - 2020 - Phenomenology and the Cognitive Sciences 19 (4):821-845.
    Research seeking to explain the perpetration of violence and atrocities by humans against other humans offers both social and individualistic explanations, which differ namely in the roles attributed to empathy. Prominent social models suggest that some manifestations of inter-human violence are caused by parochial attitudes and obedience reinforced by within-group empathy. Individualistic explanations of violence, by contrast, posit that stable intra-individual characteristics of the brain and personality of some individuals lead them to commit violence and atrocities. An individualistic explanation argues (...)
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  • Language as a Global Public Good.Isaac Taylor - 2014 - Res Publica 20 (4):377-394.
    Language use is a public good. Those using a common language receive benefits that are non-excludable and non-rival. And as more people speak the same language, the greater these benefits are. Sometimes individuals make a conscious decision to learn a language other than their native language in order to receive these benefits, and thereby incur costs. This paper is an attempt to determine how we should share the costs among all beneficiaries. I argue against Van Parijs’s proposal for this, and (...)
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  • Philosophical justification and the legal accommodation of Indigenous ritual objects; an Australian study.Andrew G. Hunter - unknown
    Indigenous cultural possessions constitute a diverse global issue. This issue includes some culturally important, intangible tribal objects. This is evident in the Australian copyright cases viewed in this study, which provide examples of disputes over traditional Indigenous visual art. A proposal for the legal recognition of Indigenous cultural possessions in Australia is also reviewed, in terms of a new category of law. When such cultural objects are in an artistic form they constitute the tribe's self-presentation and its mechanism of cultural (...)
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  • Multicultural Justice: Will Kymlicka and Cultural Recognition.Andrea Cassatella - 2006 - Ratio Juris 19 (1):80-100.
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  • The Politics of Multiculturalism: A review of Brian Berry, 2001, Culture and equality: An egalitarian critique of multiculturalism.Andrew Wright - 2004 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 23 (4):299-311.
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  • Global justice as justice for a world of largely independent nations? From dualism to a multi‐level ethical position.Ronald Tinnevelt & Helder Schutteder - 2008 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (4):519-538.
    Can global justice simply be seen as social justice writ large? According to Miller it cannot. Seen from the viewpoint of justice there are fundamental differences between the national and international sphere. Just like Nagel he strongly rejects monism. Yet unlike Nagel, Miller does not confine duties of justice to sovereign states. Different forms of human association require different principles of justice. Strangely enough, however, Miller does not replace Nagel’s dualism with a multi‐level ethical position, but with a split‐level one. (...)
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  • Translating the ideal of deliberative democracy into democratic education: Pure utopia?David Lefrançois & Marc-Andre Ethier - 2010 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 42 (3):271-292.
    Is the idea that the self‐determination of all citizens influences progress towards democracy not merely a dream that breaks itself against the hard historical reality of political societies? Is not the same fate reserved for all pedagogical innovations in democratic education that depend on this great dream? It is commonplace to assert this logic to demonstrate the inapplicability of the ideas of both democracy and of democratic education. Though this argument is prominent and recurring in the history of political and (...)
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  • Introduction: Contextualized morality and ethno-religious diversity. [REVIEW]Veit Bader & Sawitri Saharso - 2004 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 7 (2):107-115.
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  • Group Freedom: A Social Mechanism Account.Frank Hindriks - 2017 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 47 (6):410-439.
    Many existing defenses of group rights seem to rely on the notion of group freedom. To date, however, no adequate analysis of this notion has been offered. Group freedom is best understood in terms of processes of social categorization that are embedded in social mechanisms. Such processes often give rise to group-specific constraints and enablements. On the proposed social mechanism account, group rights are demands for group freedom. Even so, group rights often serve to eradicate individual unfreedom. Furthermore, generic measures (...)
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  • A Liberal Defence of the Intrinsic Value of Cultures.Stéphane Courtois - 2008 - Contemporary Political Theory 7 (1):31-52.
    Over the past 15 years, a great deal of efforts have been done by political philosophers to make liberal political theory more sensitive to the importance culture has for individuals, and to think about how to translate this importance into laws and policies, in particular those affecting cultural and national minorities. However, one of the outstanding issues is whether and how an appropriate account of the worth of culture can be provided from a liberal point of view. The most important (...)
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