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The Legitimacy of the People

Political Theory 35 (5):624-658 (2007)

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  1. (1 other version)Who, the people? Rethinking constituent power as praxis.Maxim van Asseldonk - 2022 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 48 (3):361-385.
    Modern thinking about democracy is largely governed by the concept of constituent power. Some versions of the concept of constituent power, however, remain haunted by the spectre of totalitarianism. In this article, I outline an alternative view of the identity of the people whose constituent power generates democratic authority. Broadly speaking, constituent power signifies the idea that all political authority, including that of the constitution, must find its source in some idea of ‘the people’, whose authority is never exhausted by (...)
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  • Legitimacy, Signature and Sovereignty in Derrida.Andro Kitus - 2021 - Law, Culture and the Humanities 2021.
    Legitimacy is a concept that has been largely forgotten by the deconstructive discourse on law and politics. This article seeks, on the one hand, to reassess the role of legitimacy in deconstruction and, on the other hand, to bring deconstructive thinking to bear on the concept of legitimacy. By re-reading Derrida’s “Declarations of Independence” through the lenses of his later texts on sovereignty and (counter)signature, it is argued that, rather than being deconstructible, legitimacy is deconstructing any self-founding of law and (...)
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  • Democratic opening and closure: Struggles of (de)legitimation in the settler colony.Michael Elliott - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (1):83-104.
    A crucial imperative for decolonial praxis in the liberal settler colony is to radically delegitimise the prevailing social order. This is regarded as necessary to achieving genuinely decolonial forms of social transformation rather than merely the ongoing modification of colonial rule. I propose here, however, that such objectives depend not simply on delegitimising the colonial regime as such, but also on finding ways to expose and challenge its resources of legitimating power, that is, the capacity to shape and reshape perceptions (...)
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  • Felon Disenfranchisement and Democratic Legitimacy.Matt S. Whitt - 2017 - Social Theory and Practice 43 (2):283-311.
    Political theorists have long criticized policies that deny voting rights to convicted felons. However, some have recently turned to democratic theory to defend this practice, arguing that democratic self-determination justifies, or even requires, disenfranchising felons. I review these new arguments, acknowledge their force against existing criticism, and then offer a new critique of disenfranchisement that engages them on their own terms. Using democratic theory’s “all-subjected principle,” I argue that liberal democracies undermine their own legitimacy when they deny the vote to (...)
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  • The quarrel between populism and republicanism: Machiavelli and the antinomies of plebeian politics.Miguel Vatter - 2012 - Contemporary Political Theory 11 (3):242-263.
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  • Representing the unrepresentable: Rousseau's legislator and the impossible object of the people.Kevin Inston - 2010 - Contemporary Political Theory 9 (4):393-413.
    Rousseau's paradox of how a multitude wills itself into the status of a sovereign people, by deciding to join the contract before existing as a people, with a general will to make that decision, presupposes the absence of any ultimate social grounds and the contingency of identities and structures. These presuppositions make Rousseau an unacknowledged precursor of Laclau's post-structuralist politics, refuting the view that Rousseau's politics seeks a totally transparent and harmonious state beyond the questioning and ambiguity defining the political. (...)
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  • Spinoza and constituent power.Filippo Del Lucchese - 2016 - Contemporary Political Theory 15 (2):182-204.
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  • The analytical–Continental divide: Styles of dealing with problems.Thomas J. Donahue & Paulina Ochoa Espejo - 2016 - European Journal of Political Theory 15 (2):138-154.
    What today divides analytical from Continental philosophy? This paper argues that the present divide is not what it once was. Today, the divide concerns the styles in which philosophers deal with intellectual problems: solving them, pressing them, resolving them, or dissolving them. Using ‘the boundary problem’, or ‘the democratic paradox’, as an example, we argue for two theses. First, the difference between most analytical and most Continental philosophers today is that Continental philosophers find intelligible two styles of dealing with problems (...)
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  • Judgment and imagination in Habermas' theory of law.Thomas Fossen - 2015 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 41 (10):1069-1091.
    Recent debates in political theory display a renewed interest in the problem of judgment. This article critically examines the different senses of judgment that are at play in Jürgen Habermas’ theory of law. The article offers a new critical reading of Habermas’ account of the legitimacy of law, and a revisionary interpretation of the reconstructive approach to political theory that underpins it. Both of these are instrumental to an understanding of what is involved in judging the legitimacy of law that (...)
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  • Constituting the dêmoi democratically.Francis Cheneval - unknown
    The original constitution of the dêmos by democratic means is a fundamental problem for normative democratic theory. In this paper, I make an assessment of different solutions to the dêmos problem that have been presented in recent literature. I find that none of them is adequate, and thus hold that the dêmos problem remains unresolved. At the end of the paper, I propose a constellation in which multiple dêmoi are thought to be constituted at the same time. I show that (...)
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  • The Boundary Problem in Workplace Democracy: Who Constitutes the Corporate Demos?Philipp Stehr - 2023 - Political Theory 51 (3):507-529.
    This article brings to bear findings from the debate on the boundary problem in democratic theory on discussions of workplace democracy to argue that workplace democrats’ focus on workers is unjustified and that more constituencies will have to be included in any prospective scheme of workplace democracy. It thereby provides a valuable and underdiscussed perspective on workplace democracy that goes beyond the debate’s usual focus on the clarification and justification of workplace democrats’ core claim. It also goes beyond approaches like (...)
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  • Political legitimacy.Fabienne Peter - 2010 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
    Political legitimacy is a virtue of political institutions and of the decisions—about laws, policies, and candidates for political office—made within them. This entry will survey the main answers that have been given to the following questions. First, how should legitimacy be defined? Is it primarily a descriptive or a normative concept? If legitimacy is understood normatively, what does it entail? Some associate legitimacy with the justification of coercive power and with the creation of political authority. Others associate it with the (...)
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  • A(nother) democratic case for federalism.Michael Da Silva - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    This work offers a new democratic case for federalism, understood as a form of governance in which multiple entities in a country possess final decision-making authority (viz., can make decisions free from others substituting their decisions, issuing fines, etc.) over at least one subject (e.g., immigration, defense). It argues that leading solutions to the democratic boundary problem provide overlapping arguments for federalism. The underlying logic and many details of the most commonly cited solutions focused on those relevantly affected by and (...)
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  • Democracy and territory. A necessary link?Anna Meine - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (6):797-820.
    Is democracy necessarily bound to territorial spaces and boundaries, or can democratic processes and institutions dispense with territorial ties? To answer this question, which arises, for example, in debates about democracy beyond the state, this article reconstructs conceptions of territory influential in democratic theory, as well as in recent debates on transnational citizenship and territorial rights. It establishes the container-space, social-space, and place conceptions of territory, and negotiates a nuanced and multi-dimensional understanding of territorial spaces and boundaries and their relations (...)
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  • The quest for the legitimacy of the people.Marco Verschoor - 2015 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (4):391-428.
    This article addresses the problem of ‘the legitimacy of the people’, that is, what constitutes the legitimate demarcation of the political units within which democracy is practiced? It is commonplace among philosophers to argue that this problem cannot be solved by appeal to democratic procedure because every attempt to do so results in an infinite regress. Based on a social contract theoretical analysis of the problem, this view is rejected. Although contract theorists have ignored the problem of the legitimacy of (...)
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  • Democracy against Homo sapiens alpha: Reverse dominance and political equality in human history.F. Xavier Ruiz Collantes - 2024 - Constellations 31 (2):233-252.
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  • The (Other) Boundary Problem: Conceptualizing Membership of the Demos’ Two Bodies.Andre Santos Campos - 2024 - Jus Cogens 6 (3).
    This paper intersects the literature on the democratic boundary problem with the literature on the constructivist turn in political representation to show that the boundary problem broadly construed involves a distinction between ‘the problem of inclusion’ (into pre-existing demoi and their decision-making procedures) and ‘the problem of constituting the demos’ (which involves criteria for partaking in constituent power). This distinction is consistently neglected by democratic theorists. However, it has serious implications for representative democracies because the standard answers to the boundary (...)
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  • ‘Beyond civil bounds’: The demos, political agency, subjectivation and democracy's boundary problem.Maxim van Asseldonk - 2022 - Constellations 29 (2):161-175.
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  • Rigorist cosmopolitanism.Shmuel Nili - 2013 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 12 (3):260-287.
    What counts as global ‘harm’? This article explores this question through critical engagement with Thomas Pogge’s conception of negative duties not to harm. My purpose here is to show that while Pogge is right to orient global moral claims around negative duties not to harm, he is mistaken in departing from the standard understanding of these duties. Pogge ties negative duties to global institutions, but I argue that truly negative duties cannot apply to such institutions. In order to retain the (...)
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  • The legitimacy of the demos: Who should be included in the demos and on what grounds?Antoinette Scherz - 2013 - Living Reviews in Democracy 4.
    Despite being fundamental to democracy, the normative concept of the people, i.e. the demos, is highly unclear. This article clarifies the legitimacy of the demos’ boundaries by structuring the debate into three strains of justification: first, normative membership principles; second, its democratic functionality and the necessity of cohesion for this essential function; and third, a procedural understanding of the demos. It will be shown that normative principles can only justify its expansion towards the ideal of an unbounded demos. On the (...)
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  • The “populist” foundation of liberal democracy: Jan-Werner Müller, Chantal Mouffe, and post-foundationalism.Lasse Thomassen - 2022 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 48 (7):992-1013.
    Philosophy & Social Criticism, Volume 48, Issue 7, Page 992-1013, September 2022. This article examines the connection between populism and post-foundationalism in the context of contemporary debates about populism as a strategy for the Left. I argue that there is something “populist” about every constitutional order, including liberal democratic ones. I argue so drawing on Chantal Mouffe’s theories of hegemony, agonistic democracy, and left populism. Populism is the quintessential form of post-foundational politics because, rightly understood, populism constructs the object it (...)
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  • Demos, Polis, Versus.James Griffith - 2019 - Bratislava, Slovakia: Krtika & Kontext. Edited by Dagmar Kusá & James Griffith.
    This is the Introduction to a collected volume.
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  • Between reason and will: On Christopher Meckstroth’s The Struggle for Democracy.Carlo Invernizzi Accetti - 2016 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (4):490-499.
    Christopher Meckstroth’s book The Struggle for Democracy poses and attempts to solve a central problem of democratic theory: what he calls the ‘paradox of authorization’, whereby the very activity of spelling out the political content of democracy is said to potentially contradict its object, since the democratic theorist may end up substituting himself or herself for ‘the people’ in deciding what this form government amounts to in practice. In order to avoid this problem, Meckstroth suggests that the political content of (...)
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  • The Problem(s) of Constituting the Demos: A (Set of) Solution.Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen & Andreas Bengtson - 2021 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 24 (4):1021-1031.
    When collective decisions should be made democratically, which people form the relevant demos? Many theorists think this question is an embarrassment to democratic theory: because any decision about who forms the demos must be made democratically by the right demos, which itself must be democratically constituted and so on ad infinitum; and because neither the concept of democracy, nor our reasons for caring about democracy, determine who should form the demos. Having distinguished between these three versions of the demos problem, (...)
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  • Reconceiving the democratic boundary problem.David Miller - 2020 - Philosophy Compass 15 (11):1-9.
    The democratic boundary problem arises because it appears that the units within which democratic decision procedures will operate cannot themselves be constituted democratically. The study argues that setting the boundaries of democracy involves attending simultaneously to three variables: domain (where and to whom do decisions apply), constituency (who is entitled to be included in the deciding body) and scope (which issues should be on the decision agenda). Most of the existing literature has focussed narrowly on the constituency question, endorsing either (...)
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  • (1 other version)A tale of two demoi: Boundaries and democracy beyond the sovereign point of view.Brian Milstein - 2017 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 43 (7):724-747.
    Recent years have witnessed an explosion of debate re what democratic theory has to say about the boundaries of democratic peoples. Yet the debate over the ‘democratic boundary problem’ has been hindered by the way contributors work with different understandings of democracy, of democratic legitimacy and of what it means to participate in a demos. My argument is that these conceptual issues can be clarified if we recognize that the ‘demos’ constitutive of democracy is essentially dual in character: it must (...)
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  • Prohibiting the people: Populism, procedure and the rhetoric of democratic desire.Michael Kaplan - 2019 - Constellations 26 (1):94-115.
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  • The fantasy of congruency.Moran M. Mandelbaum - 2016 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 42 (3):246-266.
    This article offers an alternative reading of the Abbé Sieyès and the modern ‘nation-state’ problématique. I argue that the subject/object that is constituted in the early days of modernity is the incomplete society: an impossible-possibility ideal of congruency of population, authority and space. I suggest reading this ideal of congruency as a fantasy in that it offers a certain ‘fullness to come’, the promise of jouissance that can never be attained and is thus constantly re-envisioned and reinvoked. Drawing on discourse-analytical (...)
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  • On the Tragedy of the Modern Condition: The ‘Theologico-Political Problem’ in Carl Schmitt, Leo Strauss, and Hannah Arendt.Facundo Vega - 2017 - The European Legacy 22 (6):697-728.
    This article addresses Eric L. Santner’s claim that “there is more political theology in everyday life than we might have ever thought” by analyzing the “theologico-political problem” in the work of three prominent twentieth-century political thinkers—Carl Schmitt, Leo Strauss, and Hannah Arendt. Schmitt, Strauss, and Arendt share a preoccupation with the crisis of modern political liberalism and confront the theologico-political problem in a similar spirit: although their responses differ dramatically, their individual accounts dwell on the absence of incontestable principles in (...)
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  • (1 other version)Populism, liberal democracy and the ethics of peoplehood.Fabio Wolkenstein - 2016 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (3):147488511667790.
    Populism is widely thought to be in tension with liberal democracy. This article clarifies what exactly is problematic about populism from a liberal–democratic point of view and goes on to develop...
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  • (1 other version)Who, the people? Rethinking constituent power as praxis.Maxim van Asseldonk - 2021 - Sage Publications Ltd: Philosophy and Social Criticism 48 (3):361-385.
    Philosophy & Social Criticism, Volume 48, Issue 3, Page 361-385, March 2022. Modern thinking about democracy is largely governed by the concept of constituent power. Some versions of the concept of constituent power, however, remain haunted by the spectre of totalitarianism. In this article, I outline an alternative view of the identity of the people whose constituent power generates democratic authority. Broadly speaking, constituent power signifies the idea that all political authority, including that of the constitution, must find its source (...)
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  • ‘Beyond civil bounds’: The demos, political agency, subjectivation and democracy's boundary problem.Maxim Asseldonk - 2022 - Constellations 29 (2):161-175.
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  • The boundary problem of democracy: A function-sensitive view.Eva Erman - 2022 - Contemporary Political Theory 21 (2):240-261.
    In response to the democratic boundary problem, two principles have been seen as competitors: the all-affected interests principle and the all-subjected principle. This article claims that these principles are in fact compatible, being justified vis-à-vis different functions, accommodating different values and drawing on different sources of normativity. I call this a ‘function-sensitive’ view. More specifically, I argue that the boundary problem draws attention to the decision functions of democracy and that two values are indispensable when theorizing how to regulate these (...)
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  • (1 other version)Populism, liberal democracy and the ethics of peoplehood.Fabio Wolkenstein - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (3):330-348.
    Populism is widely thought to be in tension with liberal democracy. This article clarifies what exactly is problematic about populism from a liberal–democratic point of view and goes on to develop normative standards that allow us to distinguish between more and less legitimate forms of populism. The point of this exercise is not to dismiss populism in toto; the article strives for a more subtle result, namely, to show that liberal democracy can accommodate populism provided that the latter conforms to (...)
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  • Antagonism, Natality, A‐Legality: A Phenomenological Itinerary on the Democratic Transgression of Politico‐Legal Orders.Ferdinando G. Menga - 2018 - Ratio Juris 31 (1):100-118.
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  • (1 other version)Property as power: A theory of representation.Rutger Claassen - forthcoming - Journal of Social Philosophy.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  • Who owns “democracy”? The role of populism in the discursive struggle over the signifier “democracy” in Catalonia and Spain.Juan Alberto Ruiz Casado - 2023 - Critical Discourse Studies 20 (6):585-601.
    While the Catalan independence movement (henceforth, CIM) has received much academic attention, one key aspect remains theoretically and empirically understudied: what role did populism play in the...
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  • Sheldon Wolin’s (In)Vocations: Dichotomies, Paradoxes, and the Mystery of Politics. In memoriam.Facundo Vega - 2016 - Araucaria 18 (36):485-496.
    Sheldon Wolin, one of the most influential contemporary political theorists, died in 2015 at the age of 93. His remarkable legacy within political thought includes written works such as Politics and Vision and lives on as well in a variety of his former students, for instance, Cornel West and Wendy Brown. Wolin's intellectual heritage is sure to persist, given that he "lived in the presence of time past, time present, and time future".This brief essay, however, does not seek an obituary (...)
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  • From legitimate boundaries to legitimate boundary-making: towards a theory of post-sovereign membership politics.Svenja Ahlhaus - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    Questions of political membership belong to the most controversial issues in political theory today. Most of the contributions to these debates, however, leave aside the procedural question of how and by whom membership boundaries can be legitimately redrawn. In this article, I argue that membership theory should move from dealing with legitimate boundaries to legitimate boundary-making. Highlighting the limits of two normative models – sovereign and cosmopolitan membership politics – and building on a new interpretation of Seyla Benhabib’s concept of (...)
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  • Alchemising peoplehood: Rousseau’s lawgiver as a model of constituent power.Eoin Daly - 2021 - History of European Ideas 47 (8):1278-1291.
    ABSTRACT Because Rousseau identifies popular sovereignty with the enactment of fundamental laws, he seems to conflate popular sovereignty with constituent power: the people are sovereign because they constitute the state, without actually ruling it. However, he assigns the lawgiver, or (‘legislator’) an antecedent task that has a more obviously ‘constituent’ character – the task of constituting the people itself, as a political subject and political unity. Thus Rousseau’s lawgiver offers a template for understanding the relationship between popular sovereignty and constituent (...)
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  • Securitizing cyberspace: Protecting political judgment.Hedvig Ördén - 2022 - Journal of International Political Theory 18 (3):375-392.
    The contemporary debate in democracies routinely refers to online misinformation, disinformation, and deception, as security-issues in need of urgent attention. Despite this pervasive discourse, however, policymakers often appear incapable of articulating what security means in this context. This paper argues that we must understand the unique practical and normative challenges to security actualized by such online information threats, when they arise in a democratic context. Investigating security-making in the nexus between technology and national security through the concept of “cybersovereignty,” the (...)
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  • Constituent power and independence movements: On the founding and foundation of political orders and the meaning of political independence.Anna Meine - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    This paper links the debates on constituent power and European independence movements in order to develop a theoretically compelling and empirically grounded conception of constituent power, as well as to assess in how far constituent power contributes to the meaning of political independence. In its first part, it builds upon recent republican contributions to the debates on corporate, joint and collective agency and argues that, even on individualist grounds, constituent power can convincingly be understood as a surplus of collective agency (...)
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  • The democratic boundary problem and social contract theory.Marco Verschoor - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (1):3-22.
    How to demarcate the political units within which democracy will be practiced? Although recent years have witnessed a steadily increasing academic interest in this question concerning the boundary problem in democratic theory, social contract theory’s potential for solving it has largely been ignored. In fact, contract views are premised on the assumption of a given people and so presuppose what requires legitimization: the existence of a demarcated group of individuals materializing, as it were, from nowhere and whose members agree among (...)
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  • Authority, Nationality, and Minorities.Alex Schwartz - 2015 - Ratio Juris 28 (3):354-371.
    Prominent normative theories for accommodating minority national groups appeal to the value of national cultures and/or the psychology of group recognition. This article aims to show that an argument from political authority provides a better justification. Building on Joseph Raz's theory of authority, the article argues that members of minority national groups are disadvantaged in relation to their majority counterparts under standard democratic institutions; such institutions do not provide minority national groups with comparable access to the conditions for legitimate political (...)
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  • Incompatible sovereigns: Populism, democracy and the two peoples.Leonardo Fiorespino - forthcoming - Philosophy and Social Criticism.
    The article aims to investigate the problematic relationship between populism and democracy by comparing the conceptions of ‘the people’ and popular sovereignty which they presuppose. In the first two sections, the populist and the democratic ‘peoples’ are reconstructed, and the unbridgeable gap dividing them is highlighted. The discussion of the democratic people requires a concise analysis of the main contemporary democratic frameworks, including deliberative democracy, ‘neo-Roman’ republicanism, agonistic democracy. The article works out the implications of the incompatibility between the two (...)
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  • Between reason and will: On Christopher Meckstroth’s The Struggle for Democracy.Carlo Invernizzi Accetti - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (4):490-499.
    Christopher Meckstroth’s book The Struggle for Democracy poses and attempts to solve a central problem of democratic theory: what he calls the ‘paradox of authorization’, whereby the very activity of spelling out the political content of democracy is said to potentially contradict its object, since the democratic theorist may end up substituting himself or herself for ‘the people’ in deciding what this form government amounts to in practice. In order to avoid this problem, Meckstroth suggests that the political content of (...)
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  • Free states for free citizens!? Arguments for a republicanism of plural polities.Anna Meine - 2022 - Journal of International Political Theory 18 (3):274-293.
    The paper assesses the questions if and, if yes, how the republican conception of free statehood can and should inform a compelling understanding of a legitimate post-Westphalian political order. To answer these questions, it, first, reconstructs the foundational arguments of republican internationalists in favour of free states and, second, assesses the points of contention republican cosmopolitans raise. Third, it develops an alternative approach, a republicanism of plural polities: Based on a relational and multi-dimensional understanding of citizenship, the paper questions the (...)
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  • Démocratie et frontières : le problème de la constitution du demos et le recours à l’histoire.Dominique Leydet - 2012 - Philosophiques 39 (2):405.
    La réponse conventionnelle au problème des limites du demos est que la théorie de la démocratie n’a pas les ressources normatives pour le résoudre. Les limites du demos nous sont données par l’histoire, dont nous reconnaissons la contingence, et le travail de légitimation démocratique ne peut s’effectuer qu’a posteriori à partir de ces limites. Les critiques cosmopolitiques de cette position mettent en cause sa prémisse. Selon eux, la théorie de la démocratie nous donne une réponse normative au problème des frontières. (...)
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