The article examines four principles of cost allocation (cost of mitigation, of adaptation, and of compensation) for environmental policies that aim to address climate change: “the polluter pays”, “who benefits pays”, “who is able to pay, pays”, and “the equal per capita”. It shows that they are all problematic. A better case can be built by the joint work of only the two principles of “the polluter pays” and “who benefits pays”.

This paper deals with the third and most disputed principle of John Rawls’s theory of justice: the so-called difference principle. My reasoning has three parts. I first present and examine the principle. My investigation is driven by three questions: what considerations lead Rawls to the acceptance of the principle; what the principle’s relation to effectiveness is; and what and how much the principle demands. A proper understanding of the principle permits me to spend the second half of the paper with (...) exploring the difficulties the principle encounters. I first discuss four well-known objections and argue that all of them, partly or entirely, hold against the principle. I then discuss the applicability of the principle with special attention to the relations among the three Rawlsian principles and the notion of the social minimum. Investigation of the first issue shows that the two other principles leave enough room for the difference principle, whereas in the second case I conclude that parties to the Rawlsian original position would prefer a social minimum principle to the difference principle. Finally, at the end of the paper, I briefly summarize my reasoning repeating its most important findings. (shrink)

Some authors have called for increased research on various forms of geoengineering as a means to address global climate change. This paper focuses on the question of whether a particular form of geoengineering, namely deploying sulfate aerosols in the stratosphere to counteract some of the effects of increased greenhouse gas concentrations, would be a just response to climate change. In particular, we examine problems sulfate aerosol geoengineering (SAG) faces in meeting the requirements of distributive, intergenerational, and procedural justice. We argue (...) that SAG faces obstacles to meeting the requirements of all three considered kinds of justice, because its impacts can harm some persons and communities much more than others; it poses serious risks to future generations; and SAG is especially prone to unilateral implementation. While we do not claim that SAG ought not to be implemented, we argue that it is the responsibility of proponents of SAG to recognize and address these ethical obstacles before advocating its implementation. (shrink)

The principle aim of this thesis is to provide an account of the nature of health. The starting-point is that health is a normative concept: health implies a standard or norm in relation to which an organism’s state is evaluated. Many philosophers take this to imply that health must be defined in subjective terms. They either think health consists in a certain type of subjective experience, or that health is relative to subjective values and goals. I argue that subjective definitions (...) of health fail to capture the essential properties of health and attempt to show that health is something normative and yet entirely objective. This would imply that there are normative facts in the world, and to support this claim I turn to debates in contemporary meta-ethics. I develop a meta-ethical theory according to which a subset of non-moral goods is grounded in objective features of living beings, and argue that this meta-ethical theory opens the possibility for an objective account of health. I then proceed to develop a theory of health that aims to capture what it means for any living to be healthy. I argue that the concept of health latches onto organisms’ capacities : the greater an organism’s range of capacities, i.e. the more it is capable of doing, the healthier it is. The norm relative to which an organism’s range of capacities is measured in evaluations of health, I go on to argue, is the maximum range of capacities possible for the species. Accordingly, an organism is healthy if it is capable of performing all species-specific activities. A closer analysis of this claim yields the formal definition that health consists in a multiplicity of potential activity vis-à-vis factual limitations set by the species. This definition of health is defended against various objections and potential counterexamples. In the context of human health, I attempt to show this definition of health captures both physical and mental dimensions of health; that it establishes a direct link between health and individual autonomy; and that it supports a Nietzschean account of ‘the greathealth’—the idea that being able to give up the concern for one’s health constitutes a superior kind of health. In the conclusions, I reflect on whether this conception of health could function as an ethical ideal, and consider the form that a health-based ethics could take. (shrink)

This thesis situates recent tensions in debates about history over epistemology within their historical and social contexts. It explores the possibilities for developing historical understanding across epistemologies by considering the role ideas of justice can play in contemporary historical praxis. By considering historical praxis in relation to ideas of justice I have identified a nexus in which to explore different ways of knowing the past that is at once responsive to difference whilst also situating the ethical as an essential regulator (...) in determining meaningful, responsible and valid representations of the past. (shrink)

Conceptul de dreptate socială este unul dintre cele mai controversate concepte ale filosofiei politice. Foarte puține aspecte legate de acest concept nu sunt înconjurate de controverse și dezbateri argumentative. Unele dintre cele mai importante astfel de controverse sunt cele legate de definirea, de specificarea și de legitimitatea lui. Prima este, în esență, o controversă în privința răspunsului la următoarea întrebare: care este conceptul care surprinde cel mai bine trăsătura fundamentală a dreptății și nedreptății sociale? A doua este o controversă în (...) privința exigențelor sau a principiilor „corecte” ale dreptății sociale. În sfărșit, a treia este o controversă pe marginea acceptabilității conceptului de dreptate socială. În studiul de față prezint pe scurt principalele idei, poziții și argumente invocate de filosofii politici recenți în cadrul fiecăreia dintre aceste controverse. (shrink)

El cuidado de la reciprocidad y de la imparcialidad es fundamental en la tradición de la filosofía liberal. Las teorías liberales y solidarias de la justicia aspiran a establecer un acceso igual a las oportunidades y a los recursos a todos los individuos dentro de la comunidad. Sin embargo la dificultad principal que se encuentra reside en la determinación y la identificación de los recursos pertinentes que se debe tomar en cuenta. Ahora bien el análisis demuestra que ni el enfoque (...) de Rawls sobre los bienes primarios ni el de Dworkin, apoyado en una subasta de las dotaciones tan internas que externas, convienen. ¿Cuál es desde entonces el enfoque lo mas satisfactorio? ¿Debemos revolver al de la igualdad del bienestar como el análisis, propuesta por Roemer, de la posición de Dworkin le sugiere? ¿Debemos privilegiar el punto de vista de la igualdad de las ?realizaciones sociales fundamentales?? Tal son las perspectivas que queremos explorar. (shrink)

Pettit (2006) argues that deferring to majority testimony is not generally rational: it may lead to inconsistent beliefs. He suggests that “another ... approach will do better”: deferring to supermajority testimony. But this approach may also lead to inconsistencies. In this paper, I describe conditions under which deference to supermajority testimony ensures consistency, and conditions under which it does not. I also introduce the concept of “consistency of degree k”, which is weaker than full consistency by ruling out only “blatant” (...) inconsistencies in an agent’s beliefs while permitting less blatant ones, and show that, while super-majoritarian deference often fails to ensure full consistency, it is a route to consistency in this weaker sense. (shrink)

Las consecuencias de la pandemia pueden considerarse como desgracias o injusticias. En este escrito mostraré que la situación general en Chile se configura como una injusticia. Para justificar el punto anterior describiré a grandes rasgos las caracterı́sticas fundamentales del igualitarismo de la suerte. Luego, al exponer los datos disponibles en Chile, mostraré por qué en Chile las consecuencias del coronavirus se configuran como injusticias. En particular, mostraré que si los seres humanos son libres e iguales en derechos, entonces es necesario (...) que esa igualdad se exprese en su igual capacidad de enfrentar la suerte bruta. Ası́, los seres humanos son por una parte, libres, y por ende responsables, y por otro, iguales, y por ende, libres de la suerte bruta. Por lo tanto, el rol del estado, en tanto conjunto de instituciones que distribuyen justicia, es minimizar la suerte (bruta). La relación entre los efectos de la pandemia y condición socioeconómica debe leerse como el abandono de los ciudadanos a su suerte bruta. Dejar a los ciudadanos a su suerte no es simplemente una desgracia, es una injusticia. (shrink)

Este trabajo parte del concepto de "capacidad" de Sen, definido como un aspecto de la libertad que requiere de oportunidades sustantivas, para aproximarse al término de capacidad política. La capacidad política, por tanto, es un aspecto de la libertad que comprende oportunidades de participación política sustantiva. Esta aproximación a la capacidad política está confrontada con dos corrientes del pensamiento: el institucionalismo trascendental o contractualismo y el comparativista. Considerando estas dos corrientes de pensamiento, los conceptos institucionales de ciudadanía activa y sociedad (...) civil, promovidos en las últimas décadas por gobiernos neoliberales, son examinados de forma crítica. Asimismo, se relaciona la capacidad política con modelos teóricos clásicos de sociedad civil. Esta relación entre la capacidad política con los conceptos de ciudadanía y sociedad civil ayudan a barajar la hipótesis de que se privilegia en política el consenso por mayoría, frente al consenso por discusión. La tradición contractualista dificultaría el reconocimiento del enfoque comparativista, fundamentado en la idea de equidad de Sen, y esencial para un gobierno por discusión, limitando así la capacidad política. (shrink)

"ما العدالة؟"، بمثل هذه الصيغة من السؤال أو التساؤل، الذي يسعى إلى تحديد معنى المفاهيم وماهية الأشياء، بدأ الفكر الفلسفيّ المنهجيّ والمدوَّن رحلته. وللإجابة عن هذا السؤال تحديدًا، خصّص أفلاطون – وهو أوّل فيلسوفٍ وصلتنا مؤلّفاته - أحد أوّل وأهمّ كتبه في الفلسفة عمومًا، وفي الفلسفة السياسيّة خصوصًا. واستمر انشغال الفلسفة السياسيّة والأخلاقيّة بهذا السؤال منذ "جمهورية" أفلاطون حتى "فكرة" العدالة (2009)" لأمارتيا صن، على سبيل المثال. وهذا لا يعني أنّ اهتمام الفلسفة بمسألة العدالة كان كبيرًا دائمًا. فقد تمَّ اختزال (...) العدالة أحيانًا إلى مجرد الوفاء بالوعد أو العهد أو حماية الملكية الخاصة. لكن إذا كان هذا الانشغال قد خفَّت شدته أحيانًا، فيمكن القول إنّه قد وصل إلى ذروته في العقود الأربعة الاخيرة، حيث تنحصر الفلسفة العمليّة – كما يشير هابرماس – في مسائل العدالة. ويمثّل كتاب جون رولز "نظرية في العدالة (1971)" منعطفًا مهمًّا وحاسمًا، في تناول الفلسفة السياسيّة لهذا الموضوع، بحيث يمكن تحقيب وتصنيف الأعمال التي تناولت موضوع نظريّات العدالة في الفلسفة المعاصرة( )، وفقاً لتاريخ صدورها – قبل أو بعد صدور كتاب رولز – وتبعًا لموقفها من نظريّة رولز. والحديث عن العدالة من حيث هي اعترافٌ جاء بعد حديث رولز عن العدالة بوصفها انصافًا. وسنعمل فيما يلي على القيام بدراسةٍ مفاهيميّةٍ أوليّةٍ توضِّح، من جهةٍ أولى، ارتباط مفهوم العدالة ببعض المفاهيم، مثل المساواة والجدارة والحاجة والحرّيّة ...إلخ، وتُبيِّن، من جهةٍ ثانيةٍ، بعض الدلالات الأوليّة اللغويّة والاصطلاحيّة لمفهوم الاعتراف. وسنختم بتساؤلٍ عن مدى معقوليّة تناول العدالة، من منظور فلسفة الاعتراف، وبتحديدٍ أوليٍّ للعناوين العامة التي يُفترض بمثل هذا التناول "المنشود" أن يبحثها. (shrink)

En este artículo analizaremos la visión rawlsiana sobre el igualitarismo de Rousseau. En primer término, veremos que -siempre desde la perspectiva de Rawls-la obra del ginebrino afirma la necesidad de una cierta igualdad de condiciones como requisito para la igual ciudadanía y establece una noción del bien común que no responde a un criterio agregativo de corte utilitarista. En segundo lugar, examinaremos un poco más a fondo el igualitarismo rousseuniano y señalaremos que la regulación de las desigualdades permitidas por medio (...) del amor propio se asemeja a la noción rawlsiana del veto de los menos aventajados, mecanismo derivado del Principio de Diferencia y del bien primario del auto-respeto. Por último, recorreremos algunas posibles razones para desear la igualdad y observaremos cómo Rawls valora la igual ciudadanía -en tanto igualdad del más alto nivel- como aquella que es más cercana al núcleo del pensamiento rousseauniano, siempre en condiciones materiales que aseguren la independencia personal. In this article we look into Rawls's view on Rousseau's egalitarianism. To begin with, we shall see that, from the Rawlsian perspective, the works of the citizen of Geneva affirm the need of some kind of equality of condition as a requirement for equal citizenship, and assert a notion of the common good that is at odds with the aggregative criterion found in Utilitarianism. Secondly, we shall examine a little further the economic egalitarianism of Rousseau, showing that the regulation of inequalities by means of amour-propre is akin to the Rawlsian notion of the veto of the worst off, which is derived from the Difference Principle and the primary social good of self-respect. Lastly, we will survey some reasons for desiring equality and we will see how Rawls, from his own political conception, considers that equal citizenship, as equality of the highest level, is the conception closest to the core of Rousseau's thoughts, given certain material conditions capable of securing personal independence. (shrink)

Justice for children and during childhood and the particular political, social and moral status of children has long been a neglected issue in ethics, and in social and political philosophy. The application of general, adult-oriented theories of justice to children can be regarded as particularly problematic. Philosophers have only recently begun to explore what it means to consider children as equals, what goods are especially valuable to them, and what are the obligations of justice different agents have toward children. In (...) addition, while philosophers have extensively written about global poverty and inequality, the issue of disadvantages during childhood, especially child poverty, has only been superficially addressed. This also applies to the Capability Approach (CA) as a normative theory. Although the socio-scientific and economic literature on how to conceptualize capabilities and functionings of children and how to measure them in the context of poverty and wellbeing is steadily growing, the normative aspects of these issues are still under-theorized. The CA offers a unique framework to engage with both the topic of justice for children and questions concerning what justice implies and demands with regard to children living and growing up in disadvantaged circumstances. Furthermore, justice and disadvantage during childhood is a compellingly interdisciplinary topic that invites the combination of ethical and philosophical reasoning together with socio-scientific theories and empirical knowledge. In this special issue of Ethical Perspectives we bring together theoretical and empirically informed discussions that explore the CA in relation to children and the many disadvantages they can face in their lives. (shrink)

This thesis aims to determine whether international gestational surrogacy contracts are exploitative, and whether they should be prohibited. I chose a group of women working as surrogates at Kaival Maternity Home and Surgical Hospital, in Anand, Gujarat, India as a study group. After examining their life circumstances, I argue that these women live in unjust circumstances caused by institutional sexism and poverty. I critically assess arguments launched against surrogacy, organ trade, and prostitution and find that none of these are sufficient (...) for demonstrating that contracts involving the sale of the body are necessarily exploitative. I find that surrogacy is exploitative because of a complex set of social conditions. Further, the contracts are beneficial to both the woman acting as surrogate and to the couple hiring her. I conclude that international gestational surrogacy is exploitative yet mutually beneficial, and prohibiting surrogacy would be harmful unless accompanied by drastic social change. (shrink)

Este artículo investiga la posible justificación de derechos culturales dentro del marco teórico del enfoque en las capacidades. El enfoque no se opone en principio a esta justificación, pero establece restricciones significantes, y correspondientemente, no es compatible con las demandas multicultur..

Basic income policies have recently enjoyed a great deal of discussion, but they are not a natural fit with views of distributive or social justice endorsed by many moral and political philosophers. This essay develops and defends a new view of social justice, called relational sufficientarianism, which is more compatible with a universal basic income. Relational sufficientarianism holds that persons in a just society must have sufficient social status, but not necessarily equal social status. It argues that this view offers (...) a more plausible account of just social relations than relational egalitarianism, a better account of the threshold for sufficiency than distributive sufficientarianism, and can serve as a more suitable theoretical backing for a universal basic income than either of these other views, or distributive egalitarianism. (shrink)

This essay shall survey two streams of liberal egalitarianism, namely luck egalitarianism and relational egalitarianism, and argue that the latter is superior. The two streams have a substantive difference in terms of the essence of egalitarian justice, the role of individual responsibility, and the interpretation of the idea of treating citizens as equals. This essay shows that the idea of egalitarian justice is best understood by seeing it as an idea demanding the realization of egalitarian relationships. Principle of distribution is (...) not methodologically self-sufficient but dependent on a broader understanding of equality. This essay shall also advocate two principles of equality to show how we can derive principles of justice from a relational conception of equality. The negative principle of equality forbids social oppressions while the positive principle of equality demands the state to respect citizens equally and promote egalitarian values so that citizens are more willing to respect one another. A just society, regulated by the two principles, will be a society of equals in which conditions of freedom of citizens will be secured by the state. The two principles also see respect as an important idea in a theory of justice. Respect here is not only referring to the idea of making people responsible for the consequences of their free choices. Respect is conceived as multi-dimensional while the responsibility-based idea of respect is merely one face among many. Lastly, the two principles of equality will be compared with Elizabeth Anderson’s relational egalitarianism, with the hope to show that the two principles move a step forward than Anderson’s theory on some points. (shrink)

Some people are multi-billionaires; others die because they are too poor to afford food or medications. In many countries, people are denied rights to free speech, to participate in political life, or to pursue a career, because of their gender, religion, race or other factors, while their fellow citizens enjoy these rights. In many societies, what best predicts your future income, or whether you will attend college, is your parents’ income. -/- To many, these facts seem unjust. Others disagree: even (...) if these facts are regrettable, they aren’t issues of justice. A successful theory of justice must explain why clear injustices are unjust and help us resolve current disputes. -/- John Rawls (1921-2002) was a Harvard philosopher best known for his A Theory of Justice (1971), which attempted to define a just society. Nearly every contemporary scholarly discussion of justice references A Theory of Justice. This essay reviews its main themes. (shrink)

The moral consideration of nonhuman animals and the critique of speciesism have been defended by appeal to a variety of ethical theories. One of the main approaches in moral and political philosophy today from which to launch such a defense is egalitarianism, which is the view that we should aim at favoring the worse off by reducing inequality. This paper explains what egalitarianism is and shows the important practical consequences it has for nonhuman animals, both those that are exploited by (...) humans and those in need of aid in the wild. Egalitarianism implies rejecting speciesism, and in practice it prescribes ceasing to exploit nonhuman animals as well as assisting them. Moreover, because they are worse off in comparison to humans, egalitarianism prescribes giving priority to the interests nonhuman animals. Due to this, egalitarianism gives us extra reasons to defend them beyond those entailed by other nonspeciesist approaches. (shrink)