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  1. “I had so much it didn’t seem fair”: Eight-year-olds reject two forms of inequity.Peter R. Blake & Katherine McAuliffe - 2011 - Cognition 120 (2):215-224.
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  • Reciprocity: Weak or strong? What punishment experiments do (and do not) demonstrate.Francesco Guala - 2012 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35 (1):1-15.
    Economists and biologists have proposed a distinction between two mechanisms – “strong” and “weak” reciprocity – that may explain the evolution of human sociality. Weak reciprocity theorists emphasize the benefits of long-term cooperation and the use of low-cost strategies to deter free-riders. Strong reciprocity theorists, in contrast, claim that cooperation in social dilemma games can be sustained by costly punishment mechanisms, even in one-shot and finitely repeated games. To support this claim, they have generated a large body of evidence concerning (...)
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  • Strong reciprocity, human cooperation, and the enforcement of social norms.Ernst Fehr, Urs Fischbacher & Simon Gächter - 2002 - Human Nature 13 (1):1-25.
    This paper provides strong evidence challenging the self-interest assumption that dominates the behavioral sciences and much evolutionary thinking. The evidence indicates that many people have a tendency to voluntarily cooperate, if treated fairly, and to punish noncooperators. We call this behavioral propensity “strong reciprocity” and show empirically that it can lead to almost universal cooperation in circumstances in which purely self-interested behavior would cause a complete breakdown of cooperation. In addition, we show that people are willing to punish those who (...)
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  • The weirdest people in the world?Joseph Henrich, Steven J. Heine & Ara Norenzayan - 2010 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 33 (2-3):61-83.
    Behavioral scientists routinely publish broad claims about human psychology and behavior in the world's top journals based on samples drawn entirely from Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD) societies. Researchers – often implicitly – assume that either there is little variation across human populations, or that these “standard subjects” are as representative of the species as any other population. Are these assumptions justified? Here, our review of the comparative database from across the behavioral sciences suggests both that there is (...)
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  • Communication and Cooperation in Early Infancy: A Description of primary Intersubjectivity.Colwyn Trevarthen - 1979 - In Margaret Bullowa (ed.), Before Speech: The beginning of Human Communication. Cambridge University Press.
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  • The Evolution of Cooperation.Robert M. Axelrod - 1984 - Basic Books.
    The 'Evolution of Cooperation' addresses a simple yet age-old question; If living things evolve through competition, how can cooperation ever emerge? Despite the abundant evidence of cooperation all around us, there existed no purely naturalistic answer to this question until 1979, when Robert Axelrod famously ran a computer tournament featuring a standard game-theory exercise called The Prisoner's Dilemma. To everyone's surprise, the program that won the tournament, named Tit for Tat, was not only the simplest but the most "cooperative" entrant. (...)
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  • Moral Origins: The Evolution of Virtue, Altruism, and Shame.Christopher Boehm - 2010 - Basic Books.
    Darwin's inner voice -- Living the virtuous life -- Of altruism and free riders -- Knowing our immediate predecessors -- Resurrecting some venerable ancestors -- A natural Garden of Eden -- The positive side of social selection -- Learning morals across the generations -- Work of the moral majority -- Pleistocene ups, downs, and crashes -- Testing the selection-by-reputation hypothesis -- The evolution of morals -- Epilogue: humanity's moral future.
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  • On Modeling Cognition and Culture: Why cultural evolution does not require replication of representations.Robert Boyd - 2002 - Journal of Cognition and Culture 2 (2):87-112.
    Formal models of cultural evolution analyze how cognitive processes combine with social interaction to generate the distributions and dynamics of ‘representations.’ Recently, cognitive anthropologists have criticized such models. They make three points: mental representations are non-discrete, cultural transmission is highly inaccurate, and mental representations are not replicated, but rather are ‘reconstructed’ through an inferential process that is strongly affected by cognitive ‘attractors.’ They argue that it follows from these three claims that: 1) models that assume replication or replicators are inappropriate, (...)
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  • The emotional construction of morals.Jesse Prinz - 2007 - New York: Oxford University Press.
    Jesse Prinz argues that recent work in philosophy, neuroscience, and anthropology supports two radical hypotheses about the nature of morality: moral values are based on emotional responses, and these emotional responses are inculcated by culture, not hard-wired through natural selection. In the first half of the book, Jesse Prinz defends the hypothesis that morality has an emotional foundation. Evidence from brain imaging, social psychology, and psychopathology suggest that, when we judge something to be right or wrong, we are merely expressing (...)
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  • Goal attribution without agency cues: the perception of ‘pure reason’ in infancy.Gergely Csibra, György Gergely, Szilvia Bı́ró, Orsolya Koós & Margaret Brockbank - 1999 - Cognition 72 (3):237-267.
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  • Contrasting the Social Cognition of Humans and Nonhuman Apes: The Shared Intentionality Hypothesis.Josep Call - 2009 - Topics in Cognitive Science 1 (2):368-379.
    Joint activities are ubiquitous in the animal kingdom, but they differ substantially in their underlying psychological states. Humans attribute and share mental states with others in the so‐called shared intentionality. Our hypothesis is that our closest nonhuman living relatives also attribute some psychological mechanisms such as perceptions and goals to others, but, unlike humans, they are not necessarily intrinsically motivated to share those psychological states. Furthermore, it is postulated that shared intentionality is responsible for the appearance of a suite of (...)
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  • Foundations of cooperation in young children.Kristina R. Olson & Elizabeth S. Spelke - 2008 - Cognition 108 (1):222-231.
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  • Do infants show social preferences for people differing in race?Katherine D. Kinzler & Elizabeth S. Spelke - 2011 - Cognition 119 (1):1-9.
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  • Young children enforce social norms selectively depending on the violator’s group affiliation.Marco Fh Schmidt, Hannes Rakoczy & Michael Tomasello - 2012 - Cognition 124 (3):325-333.
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  • Psychological research on joint action : theory and data.Günther Knoblich, Stephen Andrew Butterfill & Natalie Sebanz - unknown
    When two or more people coordinate their actions in space and time to produce a joint outcome, they perform a joint action. The perceptual, cognitive, and motor processes that enable individuals to coordinate their actions with others have been receiving increasing attention during the last decade, complementing earlier work on shared intentionality and discourse. This chapter reviews current theoretical concepts and empirical findings in order to provide a structured overview of the state of the art in joint action research. We (...)
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  • Twelve-month-olds communicate helpfully and appropriately for knowledgeable and ignorant partners.Ulf Liszkowski, Malinda Carpenter & Michael Tomasello - 2008 - Cognition 108 (3):732-739.
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  • Dissecting the Neural Mechanisms Mediating Empathy.Jean Decety - 2011 - Emotion Review 3 (1):92-108.
    Empathy is thought to play a key role in motivating prosocial behavior, guiding our preferences and behavioral responses, and providing the affective and motivational base for moral development. While these abilities have traditionally been examined using behavioral methods, recent work in evolutionary biology, developmental and cognitive neuroscience has begun to shed light on the neural circuitry that instantiate them. The purpose of this article is to critically examine the current knowledge in the field of affective neuroscience and provide an integrative (...)
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  • The emergence of human prosociality: aligning with others through feelings, concerns, and norms.Keith Jensen, Amrisha Vaish & Marco F. H. Schmidt - 2014 - Frontiers in Psychology 5:91239.
    The fact that humans cooperate with nonkin is something we take for granted, but this is an anomaly in the animal kingdom. Our species’ ability to behave prosocially may be based on human-unique psychological mechanisms. We argue here that these mechanisms include the ability to care about the welfare of others (other-regarding concerns), to “feel into” others (empathy), and to understand, adhere to, and enforce social norms (normativity). We consider how these motivational, emotional, and normative substrates of prosociality develop in (...)
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  • Cognition, Joint Action and Collective Intentionality.Luca Tummolini & Cristiano Castelfranchi - unknown
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  • Anti-equality: Social comparison in young children.Mark Sheskin, Paul Bloom & Karen Wynn - 2014 - Cognition 130 (2):152-156.
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  • Young children’s understanding of violations of property rights.Federico Rossano, Hannes Rakoczy & Michael Tomasello - 2011 - Cognition 121 (2):219-227.
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  • Infants selectively encode the goal object of an actor's reach.A. Woodward - 1998 - Cognition 69 (1):1-34.
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  • The Selfish Gene. [REVIEW]Gunther S. Stent & Richard Dawkins - 1977 - Hastings Center Report 7 (6):33.
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  • Young children proactively remedy unnoticed accidents.Felix Warneken - 2013 - Cognition 126 (1):101-108.
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  • Human cooperation.David G. Rand & Martin A. Nowak - 2013 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 17 (8):413.
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  • Just How Joint Is Joint Action in Infancy?Malinda Carpenter - 2009 - Topics in Cognitive Science 1 (2):380-392.
    Joint action is central to countless aspects of human life. Here I examine the roots of joint action in infancy. First, I provide evidence that—contrary to popular belief—1‐year‐old infants do have the social‐cognitive prerequisites needed to participate in joint action, even in a relatively strict sense: they can read others’ goals and intentions, they have some basic understanding of common knowledge, and they have the ability and motivation to help others achieve their goals. Then I review some evidence of infants’ (...)
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  • (1 other version)The Biological and Evolutionary Logic of Human Cooperation.Terence C. Burnham & Dominic D. P. Johnson - 2005 - Analyse & Kritik 27 (1):113-135.
    Human cooperation is held to be an evolutionary puzzle because people voluntarily engage in costly cooperation, and costly punishment of non-cooperators, even among anonymous strangers they will never meet again. The costs of such cooperation cannot be recovered through kin-selection, reciprocal altruism, indirect reciprocity, or costly signaling. A number of recent authors label this behavior ‘strong reciprocity’, and argue that it is: (a) a newly documented aspect of human nature, (b) adaptive, and (c) evolved by group selection. We argue exactly (...)
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  • Do infants detect indirect reciprocity?Marek Meristo & Luca Surian - 2013 - Cognition 129 (1):102-113.
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  • Costly third-party punishment in young children.Katherine McAuliffe, Jillian J. Jordan & Felix Warneken - 2015 - Cognition 134 (C):1-10.
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