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  1. Cultural preferences for formal versus intuitive reasoning.Ara Norenzayan, Edward E. Smith, Beom Jun Kim & Richard E. Nisbett - 2002 - Cognitive Science 26 (5):653-684.
    The authors examined cultural preferences for formal versus intuitive reasoning among East Asian (Chinese and Korean), Asian American, and European American university students. We investigated categorization (Studies 1 and 2), conceptual structure (Study 3), and deductive reasoning (Studies 3 and 4). In each study a cognitive conflict was activated between formal and intuitive strategies of reasoning. European Americans, more than Chinese and Koreans, set aside intuition in favor of formal reasoning. Conversely, Chinese and Koreans relied on intuitive strategies more than (...)
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  • On The Genealogy Of Norms: A Case For The Role Of Emotion In Cultural Evolution.Shaun Nichols - 2002 - Philosophy of Science 69 (2):234-255.
    One promising way to investigate the genealogy of norms is by considering not the origin of norms, but rather, what makes certain norms more likely to prevail. Emotional responses, I maintain, constitute one important set of mechanisms that affects the cultural viability of norms. To corroborate this, I exploit historical evidence indicating that 16th century etiquette norms prohibiting disgusting actions were much more likely to survive than other 16th century etiquette norms. This case suggests more broadly that work on cultural (...)
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  • Darwin's Use of Analogical Reasoning in Theory Construction.Arthur B. Millman & Carol L. Smith - 1997 - Metaphor and Symbol 12 (3):159-187.
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  • A common structure for concepts of individuals, stuffs, and real kinds: More Mama, more milk, and more mouse.Ruth Garrett Millikan - 1997 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 21 (1):55-65.
    Concepts are highly theoretical entities. One cannot study them empirically without committing oneself to substantial preliminary assumptions. Among the competing theories of concepts and categorization developed by psychologists in the last thirty years, the implicit theoretical assumption that what falls under a concept is determined by description () has never been seriously challenged. I present a nondescriptionist theory of our most basic concepts, which include (1) stuffs (gold, milk), (2) real kinds (cat, chair), and (3) individuals (Mama, Bill Clinton, the (...)
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  • Susceptibility to the Muller-lyer illusion, theory-neutral observation, and the diachronic penetrability of the visual input system.Robert N. McCauley & Joseph Henrich - 2006 - Philosophical Psychology 19 (1):79-101.
    Jerry Fodor has consistently cited the persistence of illusions--especially the M.
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  • The ontology of concepts: Abstract objects or mental representations?Eric Margolis & Stephen Laurence - 2007 - Noûs 41 (4):561-593.
    What is a concept? Philosophers have given many different answers to this question, reflecting a wide variety of approaches to the study of mind and language. Nonetheless, at the most general level, there are two dominant frameworks in contemporary philosophy. One proposes that concepts are mental representations, while the other proposes that they are abstract objects. This paper looks at the differences between these two approaches, the prospects for combining them, and the issues that are involved in the dispute. We (...)
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  • The miracle of theism: arguments for and against the existence of God.J. L. Mackie - 1982 - New York: Oxford University Press. Edited by Bernard Williams.
    The late John L. Mackie, formerly of University College, Oxford.
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  • Consciousness Explained.William G. Lycan - 1993 - Philosophical Review 102 (3):424.
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  • The Design Inference: Eliminating Chance Through Small Probabilities.William A. Dembski - 1998 - Cambridge University Press.
    The design inference uncovers intelligent causes by isolating their key trademark: specified events of small probability. Just about anything that happens is highly improbable, but when a highly improbable event is also specified undirected natural causes lose their explanatory power. Design inferences can be found in a range of scientific pursuits from forensic science to research into the origins of life to the search for extraterrestrial intelligence. This challenging and provocative 1998 book shows how incomplete undirected causes are for science (...)
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  • Extending art historically.Jerrold Levinson - 1993 - Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 51 (3):411-423.
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  • Pretending and believing: issues in the theory of ToMM.Alan M. Leslie - 1994 - Cognition 50 (1-3):211-238.
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  • Niche construction, biological evolution, and cultural change.Kevin N. Laland, John Odling-Smee & Marcus W. Feldman - 2000 - Behavioral and Brain Sciences 23 (1):131-146.
    We propose a conceptual model that maps the causal pathways relating biological evolution to cultural change. It builds on conventional evolutionary theory by placing emphasis on the capacity of organisms to modify sources of natural selection in their environment (niche construction) and by broadening the evolutionary dynamic to incorporate ontogenetic and cultural processes. In this model, phenotypes have a much more active role in evolution than generally conceived. This sheds light on hominid evolution, on the evolution of culture, and on (...)
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  • Do 5-month-old infants see humans as material objects?Valerie A. Kuhlmeier, Paul Bloom & Karen Wynn - 2004 - Cognition 94 (1):95-103.
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  • Children's attributions of beliefs to humans and God: cross‐cultural evidence.Nicola Knight, Paulo Sousa, Justin L. Barrett & Scott Atran - 2004 - Cognitive Science 28 (1):117-126.
    The capacity to attribute beliefs to others in order to understand action is one of the mainstays of human cognition. Yet it is debatable whether children attribute beliefs in the same way to all agents. In this paper, we present the results of a false-belief task concerning humans and God run with a sample of Maya children aged 4–7, and place them in the context of several psychological theories of cognitive development. Children were found to attribute beliefs in different ways (...)
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  • On distinguishing epistemic from pragmatic action.David Kirsh & Paul Maglio - 1994 - Cognitive Science 18 (4):513-49.
    We present data and argument to show that in Tetris - a real-time interactive video game - certain cognitive and perceptual problems are more quickly, easily, and reliably solved by performing actions in the world rather than by performing computational actions in the head alone. We have found that some translations and rotations are best understood as using the world to improve cognition. These actions are not used to implement a plan, or to implement a reaction; they are used to (...)
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  • SNAFUS: An Evolutionary Perspective.Kim Sterelny - 2007 - Biological Theory 2 (3):317-328.
    Human cultural life is replete with examples of adaptations to the social, physical, and biological environments that have been built gradually, cumulatively, by hidden-hand mechanisms. The impressive technologies, natural history databases, and exchange networks of traditional peoples have been built in this way. But the ethnological record is also replete with evidence of maladaptive beliefs and practices, and of failures to adapt to changing circumstances. This paper is about such failures. In what ways is cultural evolution constrained, and what explains (...)
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  • The Human Function Compunction: Teleological explanation in adults.Deborah Kelemen & Evelyn Rosset - 2009 - Cognition 111 (1):138-143.
    Research has found that children possess a broad bias in favor of teleological - or purpose-based - explanations of natural phenomena. The current two experiments explored whether adults implicitly possess a similar bias. In Study 1, undergraduates judged a series of statements as "good" or "bad" explanations for why different phenomena occur. Judgments occurred in one of three conditions: fast speeded, moderately speeded, or unspeeded. Participants in speeded conditions judged significantly more scientifically unwarranted teleological explanations as correct, but were not (...)
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  • British and American children's preferences for teleo-functional explanations of the natural world.Deborah Kelemen - 2003 - Cognition 88 (2):201-221.
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  • Evolutionary Debunking Arguments.Guy Kahane - 2010 - Noûs 45 (1):103-125.
    Evolutionary debunking arguments are arguments that appeal to the evolutionary origins of evaluative beliefs to undermine their justification. This paper aims to clarify the premises and presuppositions of EDAs—a form of argument that is increasingly put to use in normative ethics. I argue that such arguments face serious obstacles. It is often overlooked, for example, that they presuppose the truth of metaethical objectivism. More importantly, even if objectivism is assumed, the use of EDAs in normative ethics is incompatible with a (...)
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  • The faculty of language: what's special about it?Ray Jackendoff & Steven Pinker - 2005 - Cognition 95 (2):201-236.
    We examine the question of which aspects of language are uniquely human and uniquely linguistic in light of recent suggestions by Hauser, Chomsky, and Fitch that the only such aspect is syntactic recursion, the rest of language being either specific to humans but not to language (e.g. words and concepts) or not specific to humans (e.g. speech perception). We find the hypothesis problematic. It ignores the many aspects of grammar that are not recursive, such as phonology, morphology, case, agreement, and (...)
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  • Task Decomposition Through Competition in a Modular Connectionist Architecture: The What and Where Vision Tasks.Robert A. Jacobs, Michael I. Jordan & Andrew G. Barto - 1991 - Cognitive Science 15 (2):219-250.
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  • How language helps us think.Ray Jackendoff - 1996 - Pragmatics and Cognition 4 (1):1-34.
    On formal and empirical grounds, the overt form of language cannot be the vehicle that the mind uses for reasoning. Nevertheless, we most frequently experience our thought as "inner speech". It is argued that inner speech aids thought by providing a "handle " for attention, making it possible to pay attention to relational and abstract aspects of thought, and thereby to process them with greater richness. Organisms lacking language have no modality of experience that provides comparable articulation of thought; hence (...)
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  • Animal action in the space of reasons.Susan Hurley - 2003 - Mind and Language 18 (3):231-256.
    I defend the view that we should not overintellectualize the mind. Nonhuman animals can occupy islands of practical rationality: they can have contextbound reasons for action even though they lack full conceptual abilities. Holism and the possibility of mistake are required for such reasons to be the agent's reasons, but these requirements can be met in the absence of inferential promiscuity. Empirical work with animals is used to illustrate the possibility that reasons for action could be bound to symbolic or (...)
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  • The effect of essentialism on taxonomy—two thousand years of stasis.David L. Hull - 1964 - British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 15 (60):314-326.
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  • The effect of essentialism on taxonomy—two thousand years of stasis.David L. Hull - 1965 - British Journal for the Philosophy of Science 16 (61):1-18.
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  • Descartes' Mistake: How Afterlife Beliefs Challenge the Assumption that Humans are Intuitive Cartesian Substance Dualists.K. Mitch Hodge - 2008 - Journal of Cognition and Culture 8 (3-4):387-415.
    This article presents arguments and evidence that run counter to the widespread assumption among scholars that humans are intuitive Cartesian substance dualists. With regard to afterlife beliefs, the hypothesis of Cartesian substance dualism as the intuitive folk position fails to have the explanatory power with which its proponents endow it. It is argued that the embedded corollary assumptions of the intuitive Cartesian substance dualist position (that the mind and body are diff erent substances, that the mind and soul are intensionally (...)
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  • The application-conditions for design inferences: Why the design arguments need the help of other arguments for God’s existence.Kenneth Einar Himma - 2005 - International Journal for Philosophy of Religion 57 (1):1-33.
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  • Altruistic cooperation during foraging by the Ache, and the evolved human predisposition to cooperate.Kim Hill - 2002 - Human Nature 13 (1):105-128.
    This paper presents quantitative data on altruistic cooperation during food acquisition by Ache foragers. Cooperative activities are defined as those that entail a cost of time and energy to the donor but primarily lead to an increase in the foraging success of the recipient. Data show that Ache men and women spend about 10% of all foraging time engaged in altruistic cooperation on average, and that on some days they may spend more than 50% of their foraging time in such (...)
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  • The Darwinian Revolution Revisited.Sandra Herbert - 2005 - Journal of the History of Biology 38 (1):51 - 66.
    The "Darwinian revolution" remains an acceptable phrase to describe the change in thought brought about by the theory of evolution, provided that the revolution is seen as occurring over an extended period of time. The decades from the 1790s through the 1850s are at the focus of this article. Emphasis is placed on the issue of species extinction and on generational shifts in opinion.
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  • Paley's ipod: The cognitive basis of the design argument within natural theology.Helen De Cruz & Johan De Smedt - 2010 - Zygon 45 (3):665-684.
    The argument from design stands as one of the most intuitively compelling arguments for the existence of a divine Creator. Yet, for many scientists and philosophers, Hume's critique and Darwin's theory of natural selection have definitely undermined the idea that we can draw any analogy from design in artifacts to design in nature. Here, we examine empirical studies from developmental and experimental psychology to investigate the cognitive basis of the design argument. From this it becomes clear that humans spontaneously discern (...)
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  • John Calvin, the sensus divinitatis, and the noetic effects of sin.Paul Helm - 1998 - International Journal for Philosophy of Religion 43 (2):87-107.
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  • Segmentation of the speech stream in a non-human primate: statistical learning in cotton-top tamarins.Marc D. Hauser, Elissa L. Newport & Richard N. Aslin - 2001 - Cognition 78 (3):B53-B64.
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  • Chimpanzees deceive a human competitor by hiding.Brian Hare, Josep Call & Michael Tomasello - 2006 - Cognition 101 (3):495-514.
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  • The role of historical intuitions in children's and adults' naming of artifacts.Grant Gutheil, Paul Bloom, Nohemy Valderrama & Rebecca Freedman - 2004 - Cognition 91 (1):23-42.
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  • Toward a science of other minds: Escaping the argument by analogy.Cognitive Evolution Group, Since Darwin, D. J. Povinelli, J. M. Bering & S. Giambrone - 2000 - Cognitive Science 24 (3):509-541.
    Since Darwin, the idea of psychological continuity between humans and other animals has dominated theory and research in investigating the minds of other species. Indeed, the field of comparative psychology was founded on two assumptions. First, it was assumed that introspection could provide humans with reliable knowledge about the causal connection between specific mental states and specific behaviors. Second, it was assumed that in those cases in which other species exhibited behaviors similar to our own, similar psychological causes were at (...)
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  • From mere coincidences to meaningful discoveries.Thomas L. Griffiths & Joshua B. Tenenbaum - 2007 - Cognition 103 (2):180-226.
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  • Signal, Decision, Action.Peter Godfrey-Smith - 1991 - Journal of Philosophy 88 (12):709.
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  • Folk Psychology Under Stress: Comments on Susan Hurley’s ”Animal Action in the Space of Reasons’.Peter Godfrey-Smith - 2003 - Mind and Language 18 (3):266-272.
    My commentary on Hurley is concerned with foundational issues. Hurley's investigation of animal cognition is cast within a particular framework—basically, a philosophically refined version of folk psychology. Her discussion has a complicated relationship to unresolved debates about the nature and status of folk psychology, especially debates about the extent to which folk psychological categories are aimed at picking out features of the causal organization of the mind.
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  • Paley’s design argument as an inference to the best explanation, or, Dawkins’ dilemma.Sander Gliboff - 2000 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 31 (4):579-597.
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  • Children’s understanding of posterior probability.Vittorio Girotto & Michel Gonzalez - 2008 - Cognition 106 (1):325-344.
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  • Reasoning the fast and frugal way: Models of bounded rationality.Gerd Gigerenzer & Daniel G. Goldstein - 1996 - Psychological Review 103 (4):650-669.
    Humans and animals make inferences about the world under limited time and knowledge. In contrast, many models of rational inference treat the mind as a Laplacean Demon, equipped with unlimited time, knowledge, and computational might. Following H. Simon's notion of satisficing, the authors have proposed a family of algorithms based on a simple psychological mechanism: one-reason decision making. These fast and frugal algorithms violate fundamental tenets of classical rationality: They neither look up nor integrate all information. By computer simulation, the (...)
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  • The Problem of Agency in Scientific Distributed Cognitive Systems.Ronald Giere - 2004 - Journal of Cognition and Culture 4 (3-4):759-774.
    From the perspective of cognitive science, it is illuminating to think of much contemporary scientific research as taking place in distributed cognitive systems. This is particularly true of large-scale experimental and observational systems such as the Hubble Telescope. Clark, Hutchins, Knorr-Cetina, and Latour insist or imply such a move requires expanding our notions of knowledge, mind, and even consciousness. Whether this is correct seems to me not a straightforward factual question. Rather, the issue seems to be how best to develop (...)
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  • Is Justified True Belief Knowledge?Edmund L. Gettier - 1963 - Analysis 23 (6):121-123.
    Russian translation of Gettier E. L. Is Justified True Belief Knowledge? // Analysis, vol. 23, 1963. Translated by Lev Lamberov with kind permission of the author.
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  • The Zeus Problem: Why Representational Content Biases Cannot Explain Faith in Gods.Will M. Gervais & Joseph Henrich - 2010 - Journal of Cognition and Culture 10 (3-4):383-389.
    In a recent article, Barrett argued that a collection of five representational content features can explain both why people believe in God and why people do not believe in Santa Claus or Mickey Mouse. In this model ‐ and within the cognitive science of religion as a whole ‐ it is argued that representational content biases are central to belief. In the present paper, we challenge the notion that representational content biases can explain the epidemiology of belief. Instead, we propose (...)
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  • Shape and representational status in children's early naming.Susan A. Gelman & Karen S. Ebeling - 1998 - Cognition 66 (2):B35-B47.
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  • Insides and Essences: Early Understandings of the Non- Obvious.Susan A. Gelman & Henry M. Wellman - 1991 - Cognition 38 (3):213-244.
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  • The cluster account of art defended.Berys Gaut - 2005 - British Journal of Aesthetics 45 (3):273-288.
    This paper replies to objections from Thomas Adajian, Stephen Davies, and Robert Stecker to my claim, defended in ‘"Art" as a Cluster Concept’, that ‘art’ is a cluster concept and so cannot be defined. The paper also clarifies and extends the arguments of the earlier paper and locates its position in relation to the work of Morris Weitz.
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  • Functional imaging of 'theory of mind'.Helen L. Gallagher & Christopher D. Frith - 2003 - Trends in Cognitive Sciences 7 (2):77-83.
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  • Number as a cognitive technology: Evidence from Pirahã language and cognition.Michael C. Frank, Daniel L. Everett, Evelina Fedorenko & Edward Gibson - 2008 - Cognition 108 (3):819-824.
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  • Evolutionary psychology versus Fodor: Arguments for and against the massive modularity hypothesis.Willem E. Frankenhuis & Annemie Ploeger - 2007 - Philosophical Psychology 20 (6):687 – 710.
    Evolutionary psychologists tend to view the mind as a large collection of evolved, functionally specialized mechanisms, or modules. Cosmides and Tooby (1994) have presented four arguments in favor of this model of the mind: the engineering argument, the error argument, the poverty of the stimulus argument, and combinatorial explosion. Fodor (2000) has discussed each of these four arguments and rejected them all. In the present paper, we present and discuss the arguments for and against the massive modularity hypothesis. We conclude (...)
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