The issue of voting rights for older children has been high on the political and philosophical agenda for quite some time now, and not without reason. Aside from principled moral and philosophical reasons why it is an important matter, many economic, environmental, and political issues are currently being decided—sometimes through indecision—that greatly impact the future of today’s children. Past and current generations of adults have, arguably, mortgaged their children’s future, and this makes the question whether (some) (...) class='Hi'>children should be granted the right to vote all the more pressing. Should (some) children be given the right to vote? Moreover, does the answer to this question depend on civic education, on whether children have been deliberately prepared for the exercise of that right? These are the questions that will occupy us in this article. Our answer to the first will be that older children—children roughly between 14 and 16 years of age1—ought to be given the right to vote. (shrink)

This paper focuses on an especially urgent challenge to the legitimacy of the common school ideal—a challenge that has hardly been addressed within contemporary debates within liberal philosophy of education. The challenge arises from claims to accommodation by queer people and queer communities—claims that are based on notions of queerness and queer identity that are seriously underrepresented within contemporary liberal political and educational theory. The paper articulates a liberal view of personal autonomy that is constituted by a conception of practical (...) reasoning rooted in thick communal experiences. It is argued that common schools concerned with equal concern for the autonomy of all children must attend to the specific communal requirements needed to developing the autonomous practical reasoning of queer children—requirements for what is termed a sense of ‘futurity’. Five practical recommendations for common schools are briefly outlined. The paper concludes with some reflections on the divergent and convergent interests of queer theory and liberalism, and considers some possibilities for a partial reconciliation of the two theoretical perspectives. (shrink)

Timothy Michael Fowler has argued that, as a consequence of their commitment to neutrality in regard to comprehensive doctrines, political liberals face a dilemma. In essence, the dilemma for political liberals is that either they have to give up their commitment to neutrality (which is an indispensible part of their view), or they have to allow harm to children. Fowler’s case for this dilemma depends on ascribing to political liberals a view which grants parents a great degree of freedom (...) in deciding on the education of their children. I show that ascribing this view to political liberals rests upon a misinterpretation of political liberalism. Since political liberals have access to reasons based upon the interests of children, they need not yield to parent’s wishes about the education of their children. A correct understanding of political liberalism thus shows that political liberals do not face the dilemma envisaged by Fowler. (shrink)

The First Last Man is the third installment of Hunt’s trilogy on Shelley’s thought. It deftly weaves together different interpretive and political theory methods. Her careful archival work in particular stands out. She uses Shelley’s journals as an entry into the author’s psyche and motivations for writing The Last Man. While walking the reader through the journals, Hunt convincingly shows the cathartic role that writing The Last Man had for the young Shelley after her husband drowned and her first three (...) children all died. Just as Lionel Verney, the protagonist of The Last Man, chooses to push forward and find meaning in the world even as it falls apart around him, so too does Shelley. (shrink)

The present narrative describes and problematizes one year of Educational and philosophical work with illiterate adults in contexts of urban poverty in the Public School Joaquim da Silva Peçanha, city of Duque de Caxias, suburbs of the State of Rio de Janeiro during 2008. The project, “Em Caxias a Filosofia En-caixa?!”, consists of a teacher education program in which public school teachers study and practice the art of composing philosophical experiences with their students, and the realization of actual experiences of (...) philosophy in classrooms with children and students in an adult literacy class. This narrative is concerned with the latter aspect of the project, more specifically experiences working with adult students practicing philosophy. The thirty students and three teachers involved in the course do not study the history of philosophy, nor do they create philosophical systems or theories. Rather they participate in a philosophical experience that might best be able to understand by examining Pierre Hadot’s concept of philosophy “as a way of living”. (shrink)

Orson Scott Card and his Ender Series have had a profound impact on the genre of contemporary science fiction, meriting an academic analysis of some of his more theoretical ideas. I have chosen to analyze his concept of “Center” and “Edge” nations found in Xenocide and Children of the Mind through the lens of international relations, sociological, and political theory, in order to bring nuance to an underdeveloped theory that many non-academics may be familiar with. Ultimately, we must conclude (...) that Card’s concept of “Center” and “Edge” nations is too stagnant and does not account for social and hegemonic change, which influences the justifications of why these “nations” may be considered “Center” in the first place. (shrink)

I wish to carry out a philosophical inquiry into the present day intercultural public spheres. The thesis I endeavour to support is that the achievement of inclusive public spheres largely depends on one’s willingness and capacity to foster the “appreciation of diversities” by first, enhancing policies and forms of cooperation between the citizens’ emotional and motivational resources, and then enhancing their cognitive competences. More specifically, my proposal is to understand such an effort from the viewpoint of post-Weberian responsibility, that is (...) of an ethics and politics that overcome the traditional divisions between theory and practice, cognition and emotion, “Verantwortung” and “Gesinnung” , and therefore succeed in enhancing the citizens’ awareness and attitudes as – in Habermas’ words – “democratic co-legislators”. The case study of Matthew Lipman’s “Philosophy for Children/Community” succeeds precisely in highlighting these results. (shrink)

Settler colonialism is structured in part according to the principle of civilizational progress yet the roots of this doctrine are not well understood. Disparate ideas of progress and practices related to colonial dispossession and domination can be traced back to the Enlightenment, and as far back as ancient Greece, but there remain unexplored logics and continuities. I argue that civilizational progress and settler colonialism are structured according to the opposition between politics governed by reason or faith and the figure (...) of the child as sinful or bestial. Thus, it is not contingent, but rather necessary that justificatory frameworks of European empire and colonialism depict Indigenous peoples as children. To illustrate how the theoretical link between Indigenous peoples and children emerges not as a simple analogy, but rather, as the source of the premodern/modern and savage/civilized binaries, I trace the various historical iterations of the political/childhood opposition through the classical, medieval, enlightenment, and modern eras. I show how the model of civilizational progress from a premodern and savage state of childhood continues to serve as the model for settler colonial exclusion and domination of Indigenous peoples. (shrink)

The Millennium Development Goals (MDG) set time-bound targets that are powerful shapers of how and for whom health is pursued. In this paper we examine some ramifications of both the temporal limitation, and maternal-child health targeting of MDG 4 and 5. The 2015 end date may encourage increasing the number of mass campaigns to meet the specific MDG objectives, potentially to the detriment of a more comprehensive approach to health. We discuss some ethical, political, and pragmatic ramifications of this tendency, (...) and show that these are not unique to the MDGs but rather have a long history in health policy debates. We also examine attempts to counter a narrow focus on vertical interventions in campaigns through integrated health system delivery platforms. We argue that the way forward is not to assume that evidence is value free, but rather to make explicit the political and ethical decisions in the design of metrics and evaluation research. We propose an index of five factors that should be included in research designed to inform decision making about providing interventions as part of routine services or periodic campaigns, toward serving more members of the population, and long-term strengthening of the health system via integrated health interventions. (shrink)

Childhood looms large in our understanding of human life as it is a phase through which all adults have passed. Childhood is foundational to the development of selfhood, the formation of interests, values and skills and to the lifespan as a whole. Understanding what it is like to be a child, and what differences childhood makes, are essential for any broader understanding of the human condition. The Routledge Handbook of the Philosophy of Childhood and Children is an outstanding reference (...) source to the key topics, problems and debates in this exciting subject and is the first collection of its kind. Comprising over thirty chapters by a team of international contributors the Handbook is divided into five parts: ¿ Being a child ¿ Childhood and moral status ¿ Parents and children ¿ Children in society ¿ Children and the state. Questions covered include: What is a child? Is childhood a uniquely valuable state, and if so why? Can we generalize about the goods of childhood? What rights do children have, and are they different from adults¿ rights? What gives people a right to parent? What role, if any, ought biology to play in determining who has the right to parent a particular child? What kind of rights can parents legitimately exercise over their children? What roles do relationships with siblings and friends play in the shaping of childhoods? How should we think about sexuality and disabilility in childhood, and about racialised children? How should society manage the education of children, and what values should inform such practices? What is a good school? How are children¿s lives affected by being taken into social care? The Routledge Handbook of the Philosophy of Childhood and Children is essential reading for students and researchers in philosophy of childhood, political philosophy and ethics as well as those in related disciplines such as education, psychology, sociology, social policy, law, social work, youth work, neuroscience and anthropology. (shrink)

In the wake of high profile and recent events of blatant privacy violations, which also raise issues of democratic accountability as well as, at least potentially, undermining the legitimacy of current local and international governance arrangements, a rethinking of the justification of the right to privacy is proposed. In this paper, the case of the violation of the privacy of a bullied autistic youngster and the consequent prosecution of 3 Google executives will be discussed first. We will then analyse the (...) arguments made by both academic experts and pundits who agree with Google’s claim that if the first sentence had been left unchallenged, it would have opened the floodgates to several other jurisdictions that would as a consequence have used it as a pretext to increase control on the internet, jeopardising in such a way free speech, which has been seen so far as an inalienable right which should not be censored. Finally, by going beyond the sentences and their immediate contexts, we will propose a theoretical justification of our analysis. Our main claim is that the value of the right to privacy is based on the argument that its violation would undermine citizens’ capacity to participate effectively in democratic politics. (shrink)

A crucial socio-political challenge for our age is how to rede!ne or extend group membership in such a way that it adequately responds to phenomena related to globalization like the prevalence of migration, the transformation of family and social networks, and changes in the position of the nation state. Two centuries ago Immanuel Kant assumed that international connectedness between humans would inevitably lead to the realization of world citizen rights. Nonetheless, globalization does not just foster cosmopolitanism but simultaneously yields the (...) development of new group boundaries. Group membership is indeed a fundamental issue in political processes, for: “the primary good that we distribute to one another is membership in some human community” – it is within the political community that power is being shared and, if possible, held back from non-members. In sum, it is appropriate to consider group membership a fundamental ingredient of politics and political theory. How group boundaries are drawn is then of only secondary importance. Indeed, Schmitt famously declared that “[e]very religious, moral, economic, ethical, or other antithesis transforms into a political one if it is suffciently strong to group human beings e#ectively according to friend and enemy”. Even though Schmitt’s idea of politics as being constituted by such antithetical groupings is debatable, it is plausible to consider politics among other things as a way of handling intergroup di#erences. Obviously, some of the group-constituting factors are more easily discernable from one’s appearance than others, like race, ethnicity, or gender. As a result, factors like skin color or sexual orientation sometimes carry much political weight even though individuals would rather con!ne these to their private lives and individual identity. Given the potential tension between the political reality of particular groupmembership defnitions and the – individual and political – struggles against those definitions and corresponding attitudes, citizenship and civic behavior becomes a complex issue. As Kymlicka points out, it implies for citizens an additional obligation to non-discrimination regarding those groups: “[t]his extension of non-discrimination from government to civil society is not just a shift in the scale of liberal norms, it also involves a radical extension in the obligations of liberal citizenship”. Unfortunately, empirical research suggests that political intolerance towards other groups “may be the more natural and ‘easy’ position to hold”. Indeed, since development of a virtue of civility or decency regarding other groups is not easy, as it often runs against deeply engrained stereotypes and prejudices, political care for matters like education is justified. Separate schools, for example, may erode children’s motivation to act as citizens, erode their capacity for it and!nally diminish their opportunities to experience transcending their particular group membership and behave as decent citizens. This chapter outlines a possible explanation for such consequences. That explanation will be found to be interdisciplinary in nature, combining insights from political theory and cognitive neuroscience. In doing so, it does not focus on collective action, even though that is a usual focus for political studies. For example, results pertaining to collective political action have demonstrated that the relation between attitudes and overt voting behavior or political participation is not as direct and strong as was hoped for. Several conditions, including the individual’s experiences, self-interest, and relevant social norms, turned out to interfere in the link between his or her attitude and behavior. Important as collective action is, this chapter is concerned with direct interaction between agents and the in$uence of group membership on such interaction – in particular joint action. Although politics does include many forms of action that require no such physical interaction, such physical interaction between individuals remains fundamental to politics – this is the reason why separate schooling may eventually undermine the citizenship of its isolated pupils. This chapter will focus on joint action, de!ned as: “any form of social interaction whereby two or more individuals coordinate their actions in space and time to bring about a change in the environment”. Cognitive neuroscienti!c evidence demonstrates that for such joint action to succeed, the agents have to integrate the actions and expected actions of the other person in their own action plans at several levels of speci!city. Although neuroscienti!c research is necessarily limited to simple forms of action, this concurs with a philosophical analysis of joint action, which I will discuss below. (shrink)

Although conceptually distinct, ‘ time ’ and ‘community’ are multiply intertwined within a myriad of key debates in both the social sciences and the humanities. Even so, the role of conceptions of time in social practices of inclusion and exclusion has yet to achieve the prominence of other key analytical categories such as identity and space. This article seeks to contribute to the development of this field by highlighting the importance of thinking time and community together through the lens of (...) political apologies. Often ostensibly offered in order to re-articulate both the constitution of ‘the community’ and its future direction, official apologies are prime examples of deliberate attempts to intervene in shared understandings of political community and its temporality. Offering a detailed case study of one of these apologies, I will focus on Australian debates over the removal of indigenous children from their families, known as the Stolen Generations, and examine the temporal dimensions of the different responses offered by former prime ministers John Howard and Kevin Rudd. (shrink)

Interest in the nature and importance of ‘childhood goods’ recently has emerged within philosophy. Childhood goods, roughly, are things that are good for persons qua children independent of any contribution to the good of persons qua adults. According to Colin Macleod, John Rawls’s political conception of justice as fairness rests upon an adult-centered ‘agency assumption’ and thus is incapable of incorporating childhood goods into its content. Macleod concludes that because of this, justice as fairness cannot be regarded as a (...) complete conception of distributive justice. In this paper I provide a political liberal response to Macleod’s argument by advancing three claims. First, I propose that political liberalism should treat leisure time as a distinct ‘primary good.’ Second, I suggest that leisure time should be distributed via the ‘basic needs principle’ and the ‘difference principle’ for all citizens over the course of their complete lives, including their childhoods. Third, the provision of leisure time in this way supports the realization of childhood goods for citizens. (shrink)

Women continue to be in charge of most childrearing; men continue to be responsible for most breadwinning. There is no consensus on whether this state of affairs, and the informal norms that encourage it, are matters of justice to be tackled by state action. Feminists have criticized political liberalism for its alleged inability to embrace a full feminist agenda, inability explained by political liberals’ commitment to the ideal of state neutrality. The debate continues on whether neutral states can accommodate two (...) feminist demands: to enact policies aimed at dismantling the feminization of caregiving, especially childrearing, and to compensate women for some of the disadvantages they incur by being primary care-givers. I contribute to this debate with three arguments in support of policies meant to de-gender care-giving and compensate care-givers. The first appeals to equality of opportunity to positions of advantage and justifies policies that prevent or mitigate statistical discrimination and implicit biases. The second draws attention to a possible causal relationship between the specialization of women in early childcare and misogyny; since the latter is incompatible with political liberal justice, it yields the conclusion that political liberals ought to further investigate the causal hypothesis with the aim of establishing or refuting it. The third argument concludes that legitimate childrearing prohibits adults from socializing children or, at least girls, into gender norms; it justifies duties of justice on the side of parents, educators, and economic agents, and state policies meant to offset foreseeable breaches of some of these duties. (shrink)

As the future of human development increasingly hinges on the need for sustainable education and science, this essay re-examines the imminent threats to humankind and the relevance of achieving the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to science-technology research among today’s young scientists. It also discusses some socio-political and economic challenges to achieving sustainability and argues that developing sustainability science is difficult but not impossible. The hope lies in our current efforts to build productive and creative scientific communities through nurturing (...) youth engagement with science and the scientific mindset. (shrink)

This paper examines a variety of social scientific studies purporting to demonstrate that transracial adoption is in the best interests of children. Finding flaws in these studies and the ethical and political arguments based upon such scientific findings, we argue for adoption practices and policies that respect the racial and ethnic identities of children of color and their communities of origin.

The Qualities, Challenges, and Successes of an Excellent Leader Across Politics, Business, and Education -/- Introduction -/- Leadership is a defining force in shaping societies, businesses, and educational institutions. The effectiveness of a leader is not solely determined by their title or power but by their ability to Inspire, innovate, and solve problems while upholding ethical integrity. Whether in politics, business, or education, great leaders share common qualifications and personality traits, yet they must also adapt to unique challenges (...) within their respective fields. This essay explores the fundamental characteristics of excellent leaders, the obstacles they face, and the strategies they use to create meaningful impact. -/- I. Qualifications and Personality Traits of an Excellent Leader -/- A. Essential Qualifications and Skills -/- Regardless of the industry, an excellent leader must possess: -/- Knowledge and Expertise – Mastery of governance, market trends, or education systems. -/- Strategic Thinking – The ability to anticipate challenges and make long-term plans. -/- Decision-Making Skills – Confidence in making high-stakes choices. -/- Effective Communication – Clarity in expression and active listening. -/- Problem-Solving Ability – Finding creative solutions to complex issues. -/- Adaptability and Lifelong Learning – Adjusting strategies based on evolving circumstances. -/- Delegation and Team Management – Trusting subordinates and empowering teams. -/- Integrity and Accountability – Leading with honesty and responsibility. -/- B. Key Personality Traits -/- In addition to technical skills, an excellent leader must embody: -/- Vision and Inspiration – The ability to motivate and guide others toward a shared goal. -/- Confidence and Charisma – Instilling trust and enthusiasm in followers. -/- Emotional Intelligence – Understanding and managing emotions effectively. -/- Resilience and Perseverance – Maintaining strength despite adversity. -/- Humility and Self-Awareness – Recognizing one’s strengths and areas for growth. -/- Empathy and Compassion – Understanding the needs and struggles of others. -/- Decisiveness with Open-Mindedness – Making firm choices while considering diverse perspectives. -/- While these qualities are essential for all leaders, their application differs across politics, business, and education, as each field presents unique challenges and opportunities. -/- II. Leadership in Politics: Challenges and Solutions -/- A. Uniting a Divided Nation -/- One of the greatest challenges for political leaders is uniting citizens during periods of division. A notable example is Abraham Lincoln, who led the United States during the Civil War. Despite widespread disagreement over slavery and state rights, Lincoln used strategic communication and a moral vision to rally the nation. His Emancipation Proclamation redefined the war’s purpose, emphasizing freedom and unity. -/- B. Fighting Corruption in Government -/- Corruption undermines progress, and political leaders must uphold strong ethical standards. Lee Kuan Yew, the first Prime Minister of Singapore, transformed his country by enforcing strict anti-corruption laws and promoting meritocracy. His leadership ensured Singapore’s rapid economic rise, proving that integrity is essential in governance. -/- C. Managing Economic Crises -/- During the Great Depression, Franklin D. Roosevelt faced an economic collapse that left millions unemployed. He introduced the New Deal, creating jobs and financial security programs. His ability to act boldly and provide hope helped restore economic stability, demonstrating that crisis leadership requires both pragmatism and vision. -/- Political leaders must navigate public trust, ethical governance, and crisis management to create a lasting impact. -/- III. Leadership in Business: Challenges and Solutions -/- A. Innovating in a Competitive Market -/- Business leaders must drive innovation to stay relevant. Steve Jobs, the co-founder of Apple, revitalized the company in 1997 by simplifying product lines, focusing on design, and introducing the iMac, iPod, and iPhone. His ability to anticipate consumer needs and redefine technology made Apple a global leader. -/- B. Handling Public Backlash and Crisis -/- Leaders often face setbacks, as seen with Elon Musk’s challenges in Tesla and SpaceX. Tesla nearly collapsed due to production delays, and SpaceX suffered multiple rocket failures. Musk’s resilience and continuous refinement of technology eventually led to both companies’ success, proving that failure is an opportunity for learning and improvement. -/- C. Scaling a Startup into a Global Brand -/- Jack Ma, founder of Alibaba, faced intense competition from eBay and Amazon. By focusing on China’s local market and empowering small businesses, he turned Alibaba into an e-commerce giant. His leadership highlights the importance of understanding market needs and building a strong brand identity. -/- Business leaders must balance innovation, crisis management, and global strategy to build and sustain successful enterprises. -/- IV. Leadership in Education: Challenges and Solutions -/- A. Reforming Outdated Education Systems -/- Educational leaders must adapt learning models to better serve students. Maria Montessori revolutionized early childhood education by creating a student-centered approach, allowing children to learn at their own pace. Her method is now used worldwide, proving that challenging traditional systems can lead to better learning outcomes. -/- B. Ensuring Equal Access to Quality Education -/- In many parts of the world, education is still a privilege rather than a right. Malala Yousafzai fought for girls’ education in Pakistan despite facing life-threatening dangers. Her activism led to global policy changes, showcasing that fearless advocacy can break educational barriers. -/- C. Leading Schools During a Crisis (COVID-19 Pandemic) -/- When the COVID-19 pandemic forced schools to close, educational leaders had to quickly transition to online learning. Successful leaders implemented digital tools, teacher training, and student support programs to maintain educational quality. Their ability to embrace technology and prioritize student well-being was crucial during the crisis. -/- Educational leaders must focus on innovation, accessibility, and adaptability to improve learning systems. -/- V. Leadership Styles & Adaptability -/- A great leader adapts their leadership style based on circumstances: -/- Transformational Leadership – Inspires innovation and major change (e.g., Steve Jobs). -/- Servant Leadership – Prioritizes team members’ needs (e.g., Malala Yousafzai). -/- Authoritative Leadership – Makes decisive choices in crises (e.g., Franklin D. Roosevelt). -/- Democratic Leadership – Encourages collaboration and shared decision-making (e.g., Lee Kuan Yew). -/- The best leaders balance these styles to meet challenges effectively. -/- V. Conclusion: The Universal Principles of Great Leadership -/- Whether in politics, business, or education, an excellent leader shares common traits: vision, resilience, adaptability, and ethical integrity. However, their leadership is defined by how they apply these qualities to real-world problems. Political leaders must focus on unity and governance, business leaders on innovation and market strategy, and educational leaders on accessibility and reform. -/- The greatest leaders in history prove that true leadership is not about power, but about creating lasting positive change. By understanding and applying these principles, future leaders can shape a better world. -/- . (shrink)

In the late 1960s Matthew Lipman and his colleagues at IAPC developed an educational philosophy he called Philosophy for Children. At the heart of Philosophy for Children is the community of Inquiry, with its emphasis on classroom dialogue, in the form of collaborative philosophical inquiry. In this paper we explore the development of educational practice that has grown out of Philosophy for Children in the context of Australia. -/- Australia adapted Lipman’s ideas on the educational value of (...) practicing philosophy with children in order to advance children’s social and intellectual capacities and dispositions. This has subsequently led to its development by both scholars and practitioners in directions that may or may not have been what Lipman had initially intended and to discussions on the nature and educational value of varied approaches that have been implemented in the classroom. To understand fully the effects of these changes requires an understanding of the towering influences that Peirce and especially Dewey were to Lipman. Whilst Lipman developed his own educational philosophy, he freely acknowledged that philosophy for children owes a debt to Peirce for the concept of the community of inquiry and to Dewey for his guidelines on education. -/- We will explore various ways in which the practice of philosophy for children has been implemented and analyse its expansion. This will achieve a better understanding of the possible future directions for classroom practice and research. (shrink)

Cognitive incompetence cannot adequately explain the special character of children's moral status. It is, in fact, because children lack preference structures that are sufficiently stable over time that they are not ’temporally extended agents’. They are best viewed as 'special agents’, and parents have the responsibility of fostering the development of temporally extended agency and other necessary related moral capacities. Parental authority should be exercised with the view to assisting children to acquire the capacities that facilitate their (...) transition from 'special agents’ to full and functioning members of the moral community. (shrink)

Debates on the nature and justifiability of paternalism typically focus only on adults, sometimes presuming without argument that paternalism towards children is a non-issue or obviously justified. Debates on the moral and political status of children, in turn, rarely connect with the rich literature on paternalism. This chapter attempts to bridge this gap by exploring how issues that arise in the general debate on paternalism are relevant also for the benevolent interference with children. I survey and discuss (...) various views and argue for my own: that paternalism towards children is in most respects like paternalism towards adults and stands in the same need of justification, though such justification is more often forthcoming both because children are typically less prudent than adults and so benefit more from interference, and because, in some respects, interference is less harmful to them. (shrink)

The authors describe the organization of a review of research literature on the relationship between Philosophy for/with Children (P4/wC) and religious education/education for spirituality (RE-EfS). They summarize a debate about whether the two are mutually enhancing or incompatible. They explain delimiting the scope of the project and present a grid of research questions used to analyze the literature. They summarize findings on how P4/wC is relevant to five categories of aims of RE-EfS: hermeneutical, cultural, socio-political, moral/spiritual, and epistemological. Many (...) papers in the latter category promote P4/wC as a method for children’s epistemic agency in constructing their religious beliefs. Some respond to objections that children may reject traditional beliefs. Few address potential confusion and angst of children asked to question and defend their religious views. The authors conclude that the pragmatic thrust of P4/wC in resisting a dichotomy between religious and scientific thinking is a value to post-secular society. (shrink)

This paper investigates “Divorce: Causes and Effects on Children.” Worthy of note is that the fact that, divorce is not an uncommon experience in human history. It is experienced by couples irrespective of their social, religious, academic, political, economic, etc. status. One of the most hit in the saga of divorce are children born into the wedlock where divorce is experienced. The effects of this divorce on children are most often not well considered by the parents who (...) embark on taking the status of divorcees. This becomes the onus of this paper using sociological and psychoanalytical approaches to the study of human institutions to study these effects on children, though not without looking at the causes of divorce. The paper reveals that the effects of divorce on children often are emotional, psychological, economical and religious spheres among others and recommends ways in which these effects can be minimized among children. (shrink)

I review three existing arguments in favor of having some childcare done by nonparents and then I advance five arguments, most of them original, to the same conclusion. My arguments rely on the assumption that, no matter who provides it, childcare will inevitably go wrong at times. I discuss the importance of mitigating bad care, of teaching children how to enter caring relationships with people who are initially strangers to them, of addressing children's structural vulnerability to their caregivers, (...) of helping children and parents contain the ambivalent feelings of the child-parent relationship, and of distributing the responsibility of care and the ensuing blame for bad care more widely. I conclude that nonparental childcare should be universal. (shrink)

Children are a group of persons whose political interests are systematically underrepresented. Here we will lay out the basic argument for proportionally representing children in political arenas, including some options for how children can best be politically represented. We will support our assumptions: 1) that people’s interests should be proportionally politically represented and that 2) children are people. Then we will discuss the possibly large impact that the enfranchisement of children promises, especially in its relation (...) to the interests of the long-term future. (shrink)

Marketing of food stuff to increase sale is possible with different methods. Capillary marketing is one of the most influential techniques in the issue of more sales in organizations especially in terms of selling food stuff. Food stuff should be sold in a short time due to the short durability. People who make better use of capillary marketing to supply their products and services can sell better and faster. Dependency of Iran's economy on oil incomes and affectability of such incomes (...) from political, economic and international issues cause vulnerability and fragility of the economy. One of the ways of coping with this situation is developing new products that improves inland economic condition and causes an increase in non oil exports. Meanwhile, in addition to the role of food stuff in inland economic development, it can have a determining role in non oil export. Most of the families don't have financial ability to respond steamy needs of their children. Such children are just happy with watching colorful food and being influenced by messages they don't tend to traditional food. In fact, advertisements tell children what to wear play and eat. In this study we are going to discuss marketing of children's food stuff and its advertising methods in Iran. Mitra Zarea Nemati "Investigating marketing of children's food stuff and methods of advertising in Iran" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-1 | Issue-4 , June 2017 . (shrink)

Justice for children and during childhood and the particular political, social and moral status of children has long been a neglected issue in ethics, and in social and political philosophy. The application of general, adult-oriented theories of justice to children can be regarded as particularly problematic. Philosophers have only recently begun to explore what it means to consider children as equals, what goods are especially valuable to them, and what are the obligations of justice different agents (...) have toward children. In addition, while philosophers have extensively written about global poverty and inequality, the issue of disadvantages during childhood, especially child poverty, has only been superficially addressed. This also applies to the Capability Approach (CA) as a normative theory. Although the socio-scientific and economic literature on how to conceptualize capabilities and functionings of children and how to measure them in the context of poverty and wellbeing is steadily growing, the normative aspects of these issues are still under-theorized. The CA offers a unique framework to engage with both the topic of justice for children and questions concerning what justice implies and demands with regard to children living and growing up in disadvantaged circumstances. Furthermore, justice and disadvantage during childhood is a compellingly interdisciplinary topic that invites the combination of ethical and philosophical reasoning together with socio-scientific theories and empirical knowledge. In this special issue of Ethical Perspectives we bring together theoretical and empirically informed discussions that explore the CA in relation to children and the many disadvantages they can face in their lives. (shrink)

This paper argues that liberal states are wrong to forcibly separate through deportation the unauthorized immigrant parents of member children and that states must therefore regularize such unauthorized immigrants. While most arguments for regularization focus on how deportation wrongs the unauthorized immigrants themselves, I ground my argument in how deportation wrongs the state’s members, namely the unauthorized immigrants’ member children. Specifically, forced separation through deportation wrongs affected children by violating a basic right to sustain the intimate relationships (...) with their parents on which they rely for their development into fully autonomous agents. (shrink)

Political deepfakes have prompted outcry about the diminishing trustworthiness of visual depictions, and the epistemic and political threat this poses. Yet this new technique is being used overwhelmingly to create pornography, raising the question of what, if anything, is wrong with the creation of deepfake pornography. Traditional objections focusing on the sexual abuse of those depicted fail to apply to deepfakes. Other objections—that the use and consumption of pornography harms the viewer or other (non-depicted) individuals—fail to explain the objection that (...) a depicted person might have to the creation of deepfake pornography that utilises images of them. My argument offers such an explanation. It begins by noting that the creation of sexual images requires an act of consent, separate from any consent needed for the acts depicted. Once we have separated these out, we can see that a demand for consent can arise when a sexual image is of us, even when no sexual activity was actually engaged in, as in the case of deepfake pornography. I then demonstrate that there are two ways in which an image can be ‘of us’, both of which can exist in the case of deepfakes. Thus, I argue: if a person, their likeness, or their photograph is used to create pornography, their consent is required. Whenever the person depicted does not consent (or in the case of children, can’t consent), that person is wronged by the creation of deepfake pornography and has a claim against its production. (shrink)

Many liberals assume that, while children should not be rigidly indoctrinated, parents may raise them according to their own comprehensive values. Matthew Clayton, however, argues that the reasons for embracing antiperfectionism in politics also apply to parental authority. In this paper, I defend the perfectionist conception of childrearing. I claim that we cannot realistically foster a child’s sense of justice without embedding it in a comprehensive doctrine. Furthermore, I argue that since parents cannot avoid bearing some responsibility for (...) their children’s intial orientation to comprehensive doctrines, they are justified in parenting according to their own views of the valuable and true. (shrink)

Feminist philosophers are right to criticize Hegel’s prejudices against women. In many of his works, Hegel reduces women to their physiology as means of explaining why they occupy a subordinate role in nature and in society. Such treatment seems arbitrary at best, for the gendering of roles disrupts Hegel’s dialectical approach to spirit without any meaningful gain. Despite this defect in Hegel’s work, what is positive in Hegelian social and political philosophy remains intact. In this paper I argue that the (...) sexist claims that Hegel makes about women are irrelevant to his theory of the family in the Philosophy of Right. Therein, Hegel outlines three components that are necessary for the completion of the family: marriage, property and assets, and the raising of children. Hegel also includes a description of the different roles occupied by family members and divides these roles along gender lines. Given the three components that are essential to the family, I argue that there is no necessary basis for familial roles to be divided by gender. (shrink)

I argue that the best available parent view, in its present formulation, struggles to accommodate for our very weighty duty not to perpetuate historical injustices. I offer an alternative view that reconciles this tension.

What does it mean to treat people as equals when the legacies of feudalism, religious persecution, authoritarian and oligarchic government have shaped the landscape within which we must construct something better? This question has come to dominate much constitutional practice as well as philosophical inquiry in the past 50 years. The combination of Second Wave Feminism with the continuing struggle for racial equality in the 1970s brought into sharp relief the variety of ways in which people can be treated unequally, (...) while respecting the formalities of constitutional government. Most obviously, the content of laws can mistreat them by wrongfully assuming that they are either threats to others, or that, like children, they need to be protected from harm through paternalistic limitations on their freedom of action. Or, as those concerned with class inequality have long noted, formal equality can create legal requirements, permissions, and prohibitions whose burdens fall predictably, and often solely, on groups who are already marginalised, and most in need of state protection. (Kairys, David 1990) Above all, what these two great political movements made plain, is that a concern for group inequality and, specifically, group injustice must figure in the formulation and adjudication of individual rights, if legal protections for equality are adequately to combat the causes of inequality. Getting to grips with that challenge, it became obvious, required going beyond the familiar analyses of inequality inherited from Liberalism and Marxism, given the many different ways in which people can be equal or unequal.(Hackett and Haslanger 2006, 3 - 15) In the first part of this chapter, I will seek to illustrate these claims, by focusing on efforts to reframe the theory and practice of constitutional equality given demands for sexual and racial equality. I will then show that analytic philosophy has also come to recognise the various non-reducible dimensions of equality in ways that reinforce the claims of critical legal theory, even as philosophers highlight their disconcerting consequences. If equality has multiple irreducible dimensions, conflicts between the legitimate demands of equality are unavoidable features of law and politics, even in the best possible world, and are likely to be particularly painful when set against a background of historical injustice. The chapter concludes with the challenges to democratic constitutionalism, and the scope for constructive responses to those challenges, which the rapprochement between critical and analytic thinking on equality suggests. (shrink)

In The Future of Human Nature, Jürgen Habermas raises the question of whether the embryonic genetic diagnosis and genetic modification threatens the foundations of the species ethics that underlies current understandings of morality. While morality, in the normative sense, is based on moral interactions enabling communicative action, justification, and reciprocal respect, the reification involved in the new technologies may preclude individuals to uphold a sense of the undisposability of human life and the inviolability of human beings that is necessary for (...) their own identity as well as for reciprocal relations. Engaging with liberal bioethics and Catholic approaches to bioethics, the article clarifies how Habermas’ position offers a radical critique of liberal autonomy while maintaining its postmetaphysical stance. The essay argues that Habermas’ approach may guide the question of rights of future generations regarding germline gene editing. But it calls for a different turn in the conversation between philosophy and theology, namely one that emphasizes the necessary attention to rights violations and injustices as a common, postmetaphysical starting point for critical theory and critical theology alike. In 2001, Jürgen Habermas published a short book on questions of biomedicine that took many by surprise.[1] To some of his students, the turn to a substantive position invoking the need to comment on a species ethics rather than outlining a public moral framework was seen as the departure from the “path of deontological virtue,”[2] and at the same time a departure from postmetaphysical reason. Habermas’ motivation to address the developments in biomedicine had certainly been sparked by the intense debate in Germany, the European Union, and internationally on human cloning, pre-implantation genetic diagnosis, embryonic stem cell research, and human enhancement. He turned to a strand of critical theory that had been pushed to the background by the younger Frankfurt School in favor of cultural theory and social critique, even though it had been an important element of its initial working programs. The relationship of instrumental reason and critical theory, examined, among others, by Max Horkheimer, Theodor W. Adorno, and Herbert Marcuse and taken up in Habermas’ own Knowledge and Interest and Theory of Communicative Action became ever-more actual with the development of the life sciences, human genome analysis, and genetic engineering of human offspring. Today, some of the fictional scenarios discussed at the end of the last century as “science fiction” have become reality: in 2018, the first “germline gene-edited” children were born in China.[3] Furthermore, the UK’s permission to create so-called “three-parent” children may create a legal and political pathway to hereditary germline interventions summarized under the name of “gene editing.”In this article, I want to explore Habermas’ “substantial” argument in the hope that philosophy and theology become allies in their struggle against an ever-more reifying lifeworld, which may create a “moral void” that would, at least from today’s perspective, be “unbearable”, and for upholding the conditions of human dignity, freedom, and justice. I will contextualize Habermas’ concerns in the broader discourse of bioethics, because only by doing this, his concerns are rescued from some misinterpretations.[1] Jürgen Habermas, The Future of Human Nature.[2] Ibid., 125, fn. 58. 8[3] Up to the present, no scientific publication of the exact procedure exists, but it is known that the scientist, Jiankui He, circumvented the existing national regulatory framework and may have misled the prospective parents about existing alternatives and the unprecedented nature of his conduct. Yuanwu Ma, Lianfeng Zhang, and Chuan Qin, "The First Genetically Gene‐Edited Babies: It's “Irresponsible and Too Early”," Animal Models and Experimental Medicine ; Matthias Braun, Meacham, Darian, "The Trust Game: Crispr for Human Germline Editing Unsettles Scientists and Society," EMBO reports 20, no. 2. (shrink)

Starting with the interest and effort of the children, the whole community has become tremendously interested in starting gardens, using every bit of available ground. The district is a poor one and, besides transforming the yards, the gardens have been a real economic help to the people....we understand different episodes in the history of organized garden projects as distinct discursive formations that have been constituted through material practice and myriad discourses or tropes during each era by advocates, organizers, observers, (...) participants, and theoreticians.What is the normative significance of school gardening for environmental activism today? While philosophical treatments generally highlight .. (shrink)

Investments in mitigating climate change have their greatest environmental impact over the long term. As a consequence the incentives to invest in cutting greenhouse gas emissions today appear to be weak. In response to this challenge, there has been increasing attention given to the idea that current generations can be motivated to start financing mitigation at much higher levels today by shifting these costs to the future through national debt. Shifting costs to the future in this way benefits future generations (...) by break- ing existing patterns of delaying large-scale investment in low-carbon energy and efficiency. As we will see in this chapter, it does appear to be technically feasible to transfer the costs of investments made today to the future in such a way that people alive today do not incur any net cost. the aim of this chapter is to take seriously the possibility that climate change has produced an extremely intractable political problem and that we must now consider strong measures that can break existing patterns of delaying mitigation. I defend the claim that if climate change involves a stark conflict of interests between current and future generations, then borrowing from the future would be both strategically and normatively much better than the status quo. Nevertheless, I challenge the borrowing from the future proposal on the grounds that it is not in fact the powerful tool for motivating existing agents that its proponents imagine it to be. The purpose of developing this critical argument is not, however, simply to throw doubt onto the idea of borrowing from the future. If we really do find ourselves in a political context where the prospects for effective action are very poor then strategic forms of buck-passing may make an important positive contribution to avoiding dangerous global cli- mate change. Consequently, if debt financing is not as powerful of a motivational tool as imagined we still have strong reasons, I will argue, to identify other strategies that will change agents’ incentive structures. To this end, I propose an alternative form of passing on the costs of mitigation to the future that warrants consideration. (shrink)

A pressing issue in Vietnam which is attracting attention from INGOs and the Vietnamese government is out-of-school-children (OOSC). Comparatively with other developing and middle-income countries, Vietnam hosts some of the most impressive educational attainment rates, on par with developed countries, comprising of almost equal gender parity rates, and ‘achieving’ Millennium Development Goal 4 (MDG), universal primary education, ahead of schedule. There are a wide range of historical, social, structural, cultural and economic factors outside the formal education setting which contribute (...) to the OOSC issue in Vietnam. In this assignment I shall conduct an in-depth analysis into the local and social elements, as well as the political, national and international factors which combine to compound the issue. Uneven distribution of state resources mean that children in rural and mountainous areas disproportionately suffer from low quality schooling and rural communities often lack things like healthcare facilities and clean water which affects educational attainment and completion rates. Geographical positioning of industrialised zones has led to 6.7 million people domestically migrating to find work, migrant children are overrepresented in the OOSC statistics, as are the unknown number of stateless children. Child labour is often a realistic alternative to schooling for impoverished families, and another point to be examined is the ethnic minority population, who disproportionately feature in OOSC statistics. This essay will focus on the rising inequality caused in this author’s opinion by structural adjustment reforms carried out in the late 80’s and 90’s to bring Vietnam into the global trading arena, and whilst considering that there are social and cultural issues which factor into the OOSC issue, I will be examining how implementation of a Neoliberal ideology has increased inequality and therefore compounded the OOSC issue by shining a spotlight on the inherent problems of a Neoliberal focus. To contextualise the argument, I will highlight the nationwide benefits that the reforms have granted to the Vietnamese economy and society. I will use the Neoliberal model compared with the Capabilities Approach to explore whether the Neoliberal and human capital perspective of ‘development as increased human capital’ and nationwide economic gains are sufficient when considering development, and when dealing with the most vulnerable in society. I will argue that the current Neoliberal focus of Vietnam and the wider global society is indeed not sufficient to guarantee access to quality education for the poorest in society, and will argue that Vietnam’s perception of ‘achieving’ MDG 4 which focuses on attainment over quality, is simply not enough. (shrink)

Magical thinking and behaviour have traditionally been viewed as immature, misleading alternatives to scientific thought that in children inevitably diminish with age. In adults, these inclinations have been labeled by psychologists largely as superstitions that feed on frustration, uncertainty, and the unpredictable nature of certain human activities. In Magic and the Mind, Eugene Subbotsky provides an overview of the mechanisms and development of magical thinking and beliefs throughout the life span while arguing that the role of this type of (...) thought in human development should be reconsidered. Rather than an impediment to scientific reasoning or a byproduct of cognitive development, in children magical thinking is an important and necessary complement to these processes, enhancing creativity at problem-solving and reinforcing coping strategies, among other benefits. In adults, magical thinking and beliefs perform important functions both for individuals (coping with unsolvable problems and stressful situations) and for society (enabling mass influence and promoting social harmony). Operating in realms not bound by physical causality, such as emotion, relationships, and suggestion, magical thinking is an ongoing, developing psychological mechanism that, Subbotsky argues, is integral in the contexts of politics, commercial advertising, and psychotherapy, and undergirds our construction and understanding of meaning in both mental and physical worlds. Magic and the Mind represents a unique contribution to our understanding of the importance of magical thinking, offering experimental evidence and conclusions never before collected in one source. It will be of interest to students and scholars of developmental psychology, as well as sociologists, anthropologists, and educators. (shrink)

In this chapter, I consider the problem children, conceived of as future citizens, pose to understanding the scope and limits of Rawls’s Political Liberalism by focusing on the civic education of children. Can a politically liberal state provide all children the opportunity to become reasonable citizens? Or does the cultivation of reasonableness require comprehensive liberalism? I show that educating children to become reasonable in the way Rawls outlines imposes a demanding requirement that conflicts with Rawls’s aim (...) of including a wide constituency in the scope of political liberalism. Rawls’s aim of making reasonableness broadly inclusive for political purposes is in tension with his goal of using reasonableness as the standard that delineates the scope of liberal legitimacy. I argue that political liberalism can and should try to cultivate the reasonableness of its future citizens through the civic education of children. However, a defensible version of political liberal civic education requires introducing a bifurcation within Rawls’s conception of reasonableness. A political liberal form of civic education should aim towards the inclusive scope of reasonableness by cultivating reasonableness in only two of what appear to be three senses that Rawls emphasizes. Teaching children that legitimacy requires embracing public reason demands more than may be justifiably required by a state that seeks to be broadly inclusive. (shrink)

Pascal famously wrote that Plato and Aristotle “ont écrit de politique c'était comme pour régler un hôpital de fous.” I argue that the best way of understanding Aristotle’s political thought is to see that although Pascal may be right about Plato, he is completely wrong about Aristotle—and that that difference in their political philosophies may provide resources for challenges we face today. The first five chapters of the book argue that Aristotle envisions the paradigmatic case in which the ethical virtue (...) of justice operates as that between citizens within one and the same political community. Just like the virtue of courage is one that paradigmatically applies to a citizen-solider defending his polis, the virtue of justice applies to the citizen-jurist and the citizen-assemblyman, exercising the virtue within the domains of the assembly and the law-courts. The last three chapters argue that Aristotle conceives of justice as an institutional characteristic paradigmatically in the case of politeiai, both in how they are governed and which citizens they incorporate into the governing of the political community. The final chapter maps out how Aristotle understands justice in three domains that are significantly different than paradigmatic citizen roles. I look at what place, if any, Aristotle has for justice between human and non-human animals, within the household (specifically, towards slaves, children, and female spouses), and between poleis (or “inter-nationally”). (shrink)

In Western societies many immigrants live in difficult social and working conditions. Together with other factors, this state of affairs represents a risk for the well being of their children. This article will consider the principle risk factors for child psychopathology and/or distress, with a distinction between temporary and permanent factors and with a peculiar attention to the interplay between risk and protective factors. Risk factors can be ordered in cultural, social, familiar/parental and individual factors. Some of these are (...) general risk factors, applying to child and adolescent psychopathology and distress independently from the status of immigrants’ offspring. Other factors are specific of migration, some of them being related to: a) different ways of immigrated families to situate themselves within the host society ; b) cultural/familiar attitudes in child’s nurture and education; c) the family role of women as well as factors specific of the pregnancy period in immigrants; d) the ability of the school system to enhance and support children’s abilities to integrate within the new society; e) the political/bureaucratic facilitation/impediment to the regularization of VISA, with the consequent effect on the sense of identity/rejection within/from the host society. In conclusion, the programs for monitoring immigrants’ living and health conditions should also include: the assessment of parental skills, the dynamic indicators of risk and protection indexes, the assessment of living conditions and social school environment, with a careful attention to those early signs of discomfort that might precede possible later onset of psychopathology and/or social distress. (shrink)

The Philosophy Behind Marriage and Family Structure -/- Marriage and family have been fundamental aspects of human society for millennia. These institutions, deeply rooted in both biological imperatives and cultural traditions, provide individuals with emotional support, societal structure, and a framework for raising future generations. Throughout history, philosophers, sociologists, psychologists, and religious leaders have explored the significance of marriage and family, offering various perspectives on their purpose, evolution, and societal impact. This essay examines the philosophy behind marriage and family structure (...) through different lenses, including social, religious, psychological, biological, existential, economic, and contemporary viewpoints. -/- 1. Social and Functional Perspective -/- From a social standpoint, marriage and family serve as the bedrock of society. Aristotle, in his work Politics, described the family as the smallest social unit, essential for the survival and well-being of the individual and the state. He believed that humans are naturally social beings and that the family provides the first environment where individuals learn social values such as cooperation, responsibility, and justice. -/- Similarly, Confucian philosophy underscores the importance of family in maintaining social harmony. In Confucianism, filial piety—the respect for parents and ancestors—is a cornerstone of moral conduct, with family relationships mirroring broader societal relationships. The family, in this view, is not just a private institution but a microcosm of the entire social order. -/- Historically, marriage has also functioned as a social contract that unites families, clans, and communities, often transcending individual desires for the sake of social cohesion and societal continuity. -/- 2. Religious and Moral Perspective -/- Religious traditions around the world have long emphasized the sanctity of marriage and the importance of family life. In Christianity, marriage is often viewed as a divine covenant that reflects the relationship between Christ and the Church, with an emphasis on love, commitment, and mutual support. Hinduism regards marriage as a sacrament (samskara), binding individuals not only in the present life but also across lifetimes. -/- Islamic teachings similarly highlight marriage as a partnership grounded in compassion, mercy, and shared responsibility. Across these traditions, marriage and family are seen as moral institutions that provide a stable environment for raising children and passing down spiritual values. -/- Religious perspectives often link the stability of society to the strength of family structures, asserting that moral virtues such as loyalty, fidelity, and respect are first cultivated within the family unit. -/- 3. Psychological and Emotional Perspective -/- From a psychological standpoint, marriage and family fulfill essential emotional and developmental needs. The attachment theory proposed by John Bowlby suggests that early relationships within the family shape an individual’s emotional well-being and capacity for forming relationships later in life. Families provide emotional support, a sense of belonging, and a framework for identity development. -/- Carl Jung, a pioneer in analytical psychology, saw marriage as a path toward individuation, where two individuals learn and grow through their relationship. The emotional bonds formed in marriage and family life contribute to mental health, resilience, and a sense of purpose. -/- Moreover, contemporary psychological research emphasizes the importance of secure family environments for children’s cognitive and emotional development. Strong family bonds, characterized by open communication, emotional warmth, and supportive relationships, are associated with better psychological outcomes across the lifespan. -/- 4. Evolutionary and Biological Perspective -/- Biologically, the formation of family units can be understood as an adaptive strategy that supports survival and reproduction. Evolutionary psychologists argue that marriage and family structures evolved to address fundamental challenges related to reproduction, child-rearing, and social cooperation. -/- Anthropologist Helen Fisher suggests that human beings have evolved three distinct but interconnected brain systems related to love: attraction, romantic attachment, and long-term bonding. These systems, she argues, have historically promoted pair bonding, cooperative parenting, and the long-term care of offspring. -/- The biological perspective highlights how family structures have varied across cultures in response to environmental and societal factors. For instance, extended family structures were historically more common in agrarian societies, where cooperative labor was essential, while nuclear family structures became more prevalent in industrialized societies. -/- 5. Existential and Individual Perspective -/- Existential philosophers have explored marriage and family through the lens of individual freedom and personal growth. Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir questioned traditional marriage structures, suggesting that societal norms around marriage could sometimes limit individual freedom and authenticity. -/- From an existential perspective, marriage can either be an avenue for personal growth or a constraint imposed by societal expectations. The decision to marry and build a family, therefore, becomes an existential act—one that involves choosing companionship and shared purpose in an otherwise uncertain world. -/- For existentialists, the meaning of marriage lies not in external validation but in the authentic relationship between individuals who choose to support and grow with one another despite life’s uncertainties. -/- 6. Economic and Structural Perspective -/- The economic dimension of marriage and family structures has been explored by philosophers such as Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. In their analysis, traditional family structures were intertwined with systems of property ownership, inheritance, and social class. Engels, in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, argued that the nuclear family, particularly in capitalist societies, reinforced patriarchal power dynamics and preserved wealth within certain classes. -/- In modern societies, the economic functions of marriage and family continue to be significant. Families often serve as units of economic cooperation, pooling resources to meet household needs and invest in children’s education and future. Additionally, shifts in labor markets, gender roles, and social policies have influenced family structures, leading to more diverse forms of partnerships and parenting arrangements. -/- 7. Contemporary and Progressive Perspectives -/- In recent decades, philosophical and sociological discussions about marriage and family have expanded to include issues of equality, diversity, and individual autonomy. The recognition of same-sex marriage in many countries reflects a broader societal shift toward inclusivity and the redefinition of traditional family structures. -/- Feminist philosophers, such as Judith Butler, have critically examined the ways in which traditional marriage and family structures have historically marginalized women and reinforced gender roles. Contemporary perspectives emphasize the importance of shared responsibilities within families, regardless of gender, as well as the recognition of diverse family forms, including single-parent households, cohabiting partnerships, and chosen families. -/- The contemporary view of marriage and family increasingly acknowledges the importance of love, mutual respect, and individual autonomy alongside traditional functions of reproduction and social stability. -/- Conclusion -/- The philosophy behind marriage and family structure encompasses a broad spectrum of perspectives, each offering valuable insights into these enduring human institutions. Socially, marriage and family provide stability and continuity. Religiously, they offer moral guidance and spiritual purpose. Psychologically, they fulfill emotional and developmental needs. Biologically, they support survival and reproduction. Existentially, they present opportunities for personal growth and authentic relationships. Economically, they function as units of resource-sharing and social mobility. -/- As societies evolve, so too do their understanding and practice of marriage and family life. The challenge for modern societies lies in balancing the enduring functions of these institutions with changing social norms, ensuring that marriage and family remain sources of support, growth, and societal cohesion for generations to come. -/- . (shrink)

Matthew Lipman claims that the community of inquiry is an exemplar of democracy in action. To many proponents the community of inquiry is considered invaluable for achieving desirable social and political ends through education for democracy. But what sort of democracy should we be educating for? In this paper I outline three models of democracy: the liberal model, which emphasises rights and duties, and draws upon pre-political assumptions about freedom; communitarianism, which focuses on identity and participation in the creation of (...) political ends; and deliberative self-governance, whereby citizens deliberatively shape their collective lives in public forums—at various levels of government and in different political and social arenas. I argue that some kind of deliberative democracy is defensible as a preliminary justification for how citizens might shape their lives, and therefore compatible with other forms of democracy, insofar as they can result from democratic deliberations. Acceptance of such a view raises further questions about the purpose or aims of education consistent with this conception of democracy. I contend that it requires an educational model that is committed to aligning curriculum, pedagogy, assessment and school governance to produce a transformational environment that will inform our structures—a commitment to democratic education and not merely education for democracy. Lipman goes part of the way to achieving these ends, but learning how to be proficient at democratic decision-making is like all tasks children and adolescents learn to perform. It involves action, understanding, and awareness of what counts as doing the task adequately. (shrink)

Feminist philosophers have argued that the family, as an institution, falls short of justice and have raised concerns about the effects of the family on women and girls. Three lines of critique have focused on John Rawls’ account of the family in A Theory of Justice and Political Liberalism. First, Rawlsian liberalism fails to provide sufficiently robust protections against sexist non-public associations (including the traditional family). Second, Rawlsian liberalism fails to recognize that families, as a rule, are unfair for women (...) and girls. Third, Rawlsian liberalism gives insufficient attention to the moral development of children within families. In this paper, I defend the place of the family in Rawlsian liberalism against these criticisms. In particular, I argue that family autonomy and family privacy are important for securing a primary good- the development of individuals’ capacity for partiality. (shrink)

Intergenerational Relations - Contemporary Theories, Studies, and Policies, concentrates on actual discussions around various aspects of interactions that occur between people from different age groups and generations. The authors present studies related to four sets of challenges crucial for relationships between children, young adults, middle-aged adults, and older adults. These challenges include social and cultural challenges, economic and technological challenges, environmental challenges, and political and legal challenges. The volume also addresses issues important for the global, national, regional, and local (...) application and performance of intergenerational solutions, projects, and programs focused on achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The collection includes chapters encompassing research and practical recommendations from various disciplines such as demography, economics, ethics, management, gerontology, public health, pedagogy, social work, political science, and sociology. This book is an asset to academic and professional communities interested in theories of intergenerational relationships as well as public services and age-related policies. Moreover, the volume is a useful resource to help students, practitioners, and people working in government, business, and nonprofit organizations build positive and harmonious interactions between generations. (shrink)

In Nicomachean Ethics V.6 Aristotle contrasts political justice with household justice, paternal justice, and despotic justice. My paper expands upon Aristotle’s sometimes enigmatic remarks about political justice through an examination of his account of justice within the oikia or ‘household’. Understanding political justice requires explicating the concepts of freedom and equality, but for Aristotle, the children and wife within the household are free people even if not citizens, and there exists proportionate equality between a husband and wife. Additionally, Aristotle’s (...) articulation and defence of political justice arises out of his examination of despotic justice in the first book of the Politics. Not only are the polis and the oikia similar insofar as they are associations, but Nicomachean Ethics VIII.9–11 suggests they are even isomorphic with respect to justice and friendship. Thus, in this paper I explore the relationships between father and son, husband and wife, master and slave, and between siblings in order to see what they tell us about Aristotle’s understanding of freedom, equality, and justice. (shrink)

Investments in mitigating climate change have their greatest environmental impact over the long-term. As a consequence the incentives to invest in cutting greenhouse gas emissions today appear to be weak. In response to this challenge there has been increasing attention given to the idea that current generations can be motivated to start financing mitigation at much higher levels today by shifting these costs to the future through national debt. Shifting costs to the future in this way benefits future generations by (...) breaking existing patterns of delaying large-scale investment in low-carbon energy and efficiency. As we will see in this chapter, it does appear to be technically feasible to transfer the costs of investments made today to the future in such a way that people alive today do not incur any net cost (e.g. Foley, 2009; Rendall, 2011; Broome, 2012; Rezai et al., 2012; Rozenberg et al., 2013). The basic idea then is that governments can break current patterns of delaying mitigation investments by ensuring that their existing constituents do not need to make significant sacrifices. -/- The normative argument that we should finance mitigation by ‘borrowing from the future’ can be advanced in two general ways. The first is based on the empirical prediction that we will continue to see a pattern of very weak motivation among current generations to accept short-term mitigation costs. Thus, unless it becomes economically beneficial over the short-term to markedly increase investments in low-carbon energy and efficiency we should not expect to see sufficient investment to avoid dangerous levels of global warming. On this view finding a way to pass on the costs of mitigation to future generations is an imperfect solution to the problem of weak moral motivation today but much better than the status-quo (Broome, 2012, 37-48). On the second view, because we have good reason to expect that people in the future will be wealthier than people today (at least over the next century or so) and because the benefits of mitigation largely benefit people in the future, passing on most of the costs of mitigation to the future is actually a fair way to distribute these costs (Rendall, 2011). Notice that the second view is not dependent on the empirical premise that people today will not be motivated to make sufficient short-term sacrifices, although the problem of motivating the present will give additional support to the argument for redistributing costs to the future. -/- In this chapter I focus on the implications of the first approach. Specifically, the aim of this chapter is to take seriously the possibility that climate change has produced an extremely intractable political problem and that we must now consider strong measures that can break existing patterns of delaying mitigation. I defend the claim that if climate change involves a stark conflict of interests between current and future generations, then borrowing from the future would be both strategically and normatively much better than the status quo. However, I nevertheless challenge the borrowing from the future proposal on the grounds that it is not in fact the powerful tool for motivating existing agents that its proponents imagine it to be. The purpose of developing this critical argument is not, however, simply to throw doubt onto the idea of borrowing from the future. -/- Debt financing climate mitigation is a form of intergenerational buck-passing. In the climate ethics literature this type of buck-passing is usually viewed as deeply objectionable. As a consequence, normative theorising about climate governance tends to focus on institutional reforms that better represent the interests of future generations and inhibit buck-passing. My ultimate concern in this chapter is to argue that we cannot limit prescriptive normative theorising about climate governance to these types of reforms. If we really do find ourselves in a political context where the prospects for effective action are very poor then strategic forms of buck-passing may also make an important positive contribution to avoiding dangerous global climate change. Consequently, if debt financing is not as powerful of a motivational tool as imagined we still have strong reasons, I will argue, to identify other strategies that will change agents’ incentive structures. To this end I propose an alternative form of passing on the costs of mitigation to the future that warrants consideration. (shrink)

The Paradox of Heaven and Overpopulation of a Low-Quality Young Generation -/- Religious beliefs have long shaped human civilization, guiding moral values, social structures, and even population growth. Many faiths emphasize the importance of bringing new life into the world, viewing children as blessings and encouraging large families. At the same time, the ultimate goal of religious life is often portrayed as reaching heaven—a place of eternal peace and divine reward. However, this presents a paradox: if increasing the number (...) of souls is meant to fulfill spiritual purpose, what happens when rapid population growth leads to declining quality in education, moral development, and societal stability? -/- This paradox raises fundamental questions about the balance between religious teachings, population sustainability, and the quality of future generations. If society continues to prioritize quantity over quality, it risks creating an unstable world where human suffering increases rather than decreases. Addressing this dilemma requires a deeper understanding of how religious doctrines, natural balance, and responsible governance must work together to ensure both spiritual and societal well-being. -/- Religious Doctrine and High Birth Rates -/- Many religions encourage large families, considering children as divine gifts. This belief is rooted in the idea that human life is sacred and that bringing more souls into existence contributes to fulfilling a higher purpose. In some religious communities, birth control is discouraged, and parenthood is seen as a duty rather than a choice. This mindset often leads to high birth rates, especially in countries where religion holds strong cultural and political influence. -/- However, an uncontrolled rise in population comes with serious consequences. If economic conditions, education systems, and healthcare infrastructures cannot keep up, the result is a society struggling with poverty, ignorance, and social unrest. Overcrowded schools, lack of proper resources, and a growing number of individuals without critical thinking skills contribute to a lower-quality generation—one that is unable to properly participate in building a stable and progressive society. -/- The Purpose of Life and the Heaven Paradox -/- If heaven is the ultimate goal of religious faith, then increasing the number of people born into the world could be seen as maximizing the chances for salvation. More souls mean more opportunities for individuals to seek divine truth and righteousness. However, if these new generations are not properly guided, educated, or given moral direction, they may end up contributing to societal decline rather than spiritual enlightenment. -/- This raises an important question: is the goal of religious life simply to create more human beings, or is it to nurture individuals who can contribute meaningfully to the world while also preparing for the afterlife? If the focus Is purely on quantity without ensuring proper guidance, then the result is a paradox where a growing population actually moves further away from moral and spiritual enlightenment due to ignorance and miseducation. -/- The Quality vs. Quantity Dilemma -/- A growing population without corresponding improvements in education and ethical values leads to a generation that lacks discipline, wisdom, and a strong moral foundation. The consequences of this are evident in societies where overpopulation contributes to increasing crime rates, economic disparity, and political instability. -/- This dilemma challenges religious and societal leaders to rethink their approach. Is it better to have a smaller, well-educated, and morally upright population, or a large, struggling one that lacks the necessary knowledge and discipline to function effectively? True progress does not come from sheer numbers but from ensuring that individuals are properly equipped to lead meaningful lives. -/- The Balance of Nature and Sustainable Growth -/- From the perspective of the universal law of balance in nature, uncontrolled population growth without advancements in education, economy, and ethics creates a dangerous Imbalance. Nature operates on a delicate equilibrium, where excess in one area often leads to deficiencies in another. When population growth surpasses a society’s ability to provide for its citizens, suffering becomes inevitable. -/- This principle suggests that true progress must involve not just increasing numbers but also ensuring the next generation is properly nurtured. Education, critical thinking, and moral development should be prioritized so that future generations are capable of maintaining harmony in both society and the environment. Without such balance, humanity risks falling into a cycle of decline, where ignorance and poverty overshadow any potential spiritual or intellectual growth. -/- Resolving the Paradox -/- If religious teachings are truly meant to guide humanity toward enlightenment and harmony, then faith-based institutions must emphasize quality over quantity. Responsible parenthood, education, and ethical upbringing should be at the core of religious guidance. Leaders should recognize that ensuring a well-prepared generation is more important than simply increasing the number of births. -/- Governments and religious organizations must work together to promote policies that align with both spiritual and societal well-being. Encouraging responsible family planning, improving education, and fostering a culture of critical thinking are essential steps toward resolving this paradox. When individuals are given the right tools to understand both their material and spiritual responsibilities, they are more likely to create a society that is both morally and intellectually sound. -/- Conclusion -/- The paradox of heaven and overpopulation presents a challenge that cannot be ignored. If religious institutions and governments continue to focus only on increasing population numbers without ensuring the proper upbringing of the younger generation, society will face increasing instability. The key to resolving this dilemma lies in understanding the universal law of balance in nature—where human progress depends on maintaining equilibrium between spiritual beliefs, education, and societal growth. -/- By shifting the focus from quantity to quality, humanity can create a future where individuals are not just numerous but also wise, responsible, and capable of contributing to a better world. This approach not only aligns with natural balance but also ensures that the ultimate goal of human existence—whether in this life or the next—is truly fulfilled. -/- . (shrink)

Let us suppose that we accept that humans can be correctly characterized as agents. Let us further presume that this capacity contrasts with most non-human animals. Thus, since agency is what uniquely constitutes what it is to be human, it must be of supreme importance. If these claims have any merit, it would seem to follow that, if agency can be nurtured through education, then it is an overarching moral imperative that educational initiatives be undertaken to do that. In this (...) paper, it will be argued that agency can indeed be enhanced, and that the worldwide educational initiative called Philosophy for Children, and others like it, are in a unique position to do just that, and, therefore, that P4C deserves our praise and support; while denigrations of such efforts for not being “real philosophy” ought to be thoroughly renounced. (shrink)

Drawing from Bakhtin and Habermas, I will show how the different voices in Gordimer's novel seem to be enacting a democratic public sphere in which no voice is granted authority over others – a public sphere which carries the promise of countering the social and political hierarchies established by the racist South African regime. The promise, however, turns out to be an illusion. As I will demonstrate, the possibility of an Enlightenment bourgeois public sphere which the novel seems to be (...) gesturing at is being irreparably undermined by racism. In a country where the Enlightenment aspiration to universalism and equality before the law are glaringly contravened by racism, Rosa Burger is painfully aware of her inability to fully access the predicament of the blacks. As such, Burger’s daughter remains only Burger’s daughter, and the children of Soweto the children of Soweto; at no point in the novel do they truly intermingle. Despite the fact that both are fighting racism – and the novel is devoted to the “coming-of-age” of both kinds of children – Rosa Burger remains only the daughter of a Bürger at the end of the novel, not the daughter of South Africa, much less to say the daughter of Black South Africa. She has finally “come into her own,” but the “self” she manages to realize is at best that of a disillusioned bourgeois individual (that of a disillusioned Bürger, so to speak) – a “self” that recalls Hegel’s “beautiful soul.” To appropriate György Lukács’s language, Bürger’s Daughter could be described as “modern bourgeois literature bear[ing] witness against bourgeois society.”. (shrink)