Problem kobiecej tożsamości jest zagadnieniem żywym we współczesnym dyskursie feministycznym. Szczególne miejsce zajmuje on zwłaszcza we francuskiej myśli feministycznej, reprezentowanej między innymi przez liberalną feministkę Élisabeth Badinter. Najnowsza książka filozofki, zatytułowana Konflikt: kobieta i matka, stanowi szczegółowe opracowanie obowiązujących obecnie poglądów na naturę kobiety jako matki, która pragnie także realizować swoje własne, indywidualne potrzeby. Stąd tytułowy konflikt wartości, będący podłożem współczesnego kryzysu kobiecej tożsamości. Początki tożsamościowego myślenia kobiet przypisuje się matce europejskiego feminizmu, Simone de Beauvoir. Badinter, kontynuując tożsamościowe rozważanie de (...) Beauvoir, analizuje wpływ myślenia naturalistycznego i maternalistycznego na obowiązujący obecnie status kobiet. Filozofka zajmuje się także wyjątkowym przypadkiem Francuzek, które ze względu na historyczną specyfikę realiów życia we Francji jako jedyne realizują współcześnie model spełnionej kobiety i zaangażowanej matki. (shrink)

[The Ethics of Human Enhancement and Liberal Eugenics] The paper deals with the ethics of biotechnological enhancement of human qualities such as intelligence, health and lifespan. In contemporary bioethics three views have emerged concerning the moral permissibility of such a biotechnological enhancement of humans. While bioconservatives reject it as morally impermissible and dangerous, bioradicals welcome it as permissible and desirable. Between these two extremes we find bioliberals who admit some types of enhancement, under certain conditions. These debates are still overshadowed (...) by fear of eugenics, but this discredited term needs to be rehabilitated because it turns out that there are both desirable and undesirable forms of eugenics. (shrink)

In this article we address the question of individual identity and its place – or rather omission – in contemporary discussions about the cosmopolitan extension of liberalism as the dominant political theory. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part we show that if we consistently emphasise the complementarity of the “inner” and “outer” identity of a person, which is essential to liberalism from its very beginnings, then a fundamental flaw in the liberal cosmopolitan project becomes apparent. (...) This is the underestimation of the indispensability of an unambiguously determined public framework which will fix and enforce liberal principles and values in a comprehensible way. Such a framework for liberalism was always the political community and then, above all, the modern state, in which the liberal identity could then be realised. The discussion in this part of the article prepares the ground for an examination, in the second part, of a dilemma which cosmopolitan liberalism must face. In the second part we argue that the attempt to tackle the given problem presents liberals with the following dilemma: either it is necessary to plead for the institution of a global political authority (a “world state”), or to give up the belief that fundamental liberal principles and values can be realised to a global extent. We show, at the same time, that because of the character and ambitions of the cosmopolitan project, the promise of plural identities and multi­centred law cannot be relied upon. By way of conclusion we then ask what is the price of the realisation of cosmopolitan liberal ideals. -/- NOTE: This is a two-part article (in Czech). For download here is the first part; please see the link below for the second part as well. (shrink)

The article provides a focused overview of the recent debates in political philosophy on the role of religious arguments (as reasons for action) in liberal democracy, as well as a preliminary defence of a particular approach to the issue. Drawing on Christopher Eberle’s typology, we distinguish three main camps – Justificatory Liberalism, basing its advocacy of a “doctrine of religious restraint” on Rawls’s account of public justification; its Liberal Critics, embracing a wholly permissive position vis-à-vis religious arguments in the public (...) sphere; and New Traditionalism, which assigns priority to the religious rationale. The article deals in more detail with the exchange between the first two camps. Upon considering their strengths and weaknesses, we argue for a more robust “third way” between exclusion from and unqualified inclusion of religious arguments in public debates in liberal democracy. Inspired by the work of Gerald Gaus and Kevin Vallier, we the outline in the closing sections a framework of such “minimal justificatory liberalism” that steers clear of several errors shared by both the defenders and the critics of justificatory liberalism. (shrink)

The paper deals with the methodological clash between idealism and anti-idealism in political philosophy, and highlights its importance for public reason (PR) and public justification (PJ) theorising. Upon reviewing the broader context which harks back to Rawls’s notion of a realistic utopia, we focus on two major recent contributions to the debate in the work of David Estlund (the prototypical utopian) and Gerald Gaus (the cautious anti-utopian). While Estlund presents a powerful case on behalf of ideal theorising, claiming that motivational (...) incapacity and other non-ideal features of “human nature” – the so-called bad facts – do not normally refute the desirability of highly utopian theories of justice, we show that Gaus is correct in stressing the importance of feasibility considerations, including empirical knowledge about human societies. Because moral disagreement is to be expected even among cognitively and morally excellent reasoners, we argue that Estlund’s search for Truth about justice must idealise away normative diversity as just another bad fact. This methodological dispute has important ramifications for current debates about PR and PJ as the grounds of liberal legitimacy. Because consensual approaches rely on strong idealisation which results in exclusion of numerous comprehensive doctrines from consideration, we conclude that convergence-based liberal political theory has distinct advantage as regards exploiting normative diversity to the advantage of everyone. (shrink)

Öz -/- Antikçağ’dan modern dönemlere değin kadınların mevcut durumlarının iyileştirilmesine dair çalışmaların sayısının oldukça yetersiz kaldığını söylemek yanlış olmayacaktır. Bu bağlamda siyaset felsefesinin kurucu metinlerinden olan Devlet’in hem yazıldığı dönem hem de takip eden iki milenyuma yakın süre hesaba katıldığında kadınların toplumdaki rolü ve konumu üzerine oldukça radikal ve yenilikçi fikirleri barındırdığı açıktır. Bu çalışmada Platon’un diğer çalışmaları da hesaba katılmakla birlikte özellikle Devlet adlı eseri nezdinde nasıl olup da kimi düşünürlerce hem bir mizojinist hem de bir kadın hakları savunucusu (...) sayıldığı; hem bir kadın düşmanı hem de proto-feminist olarak görülebildiği incelenecek ve Platon bu bağlamda yeniden ele alınacaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Platon, Kadın Hakları, Devlet, Feminizm, Mizojini -/- Abstract -/- It is safe to propound that the quantity of studies on the amelioration of the present conditions of women from antiquity through to modern times is quite insufficient. In this context, it seems that the Republic by Plato, which is one of the founding texts of political philosophy, has provided quite radical and innovative ideas about the role and position of women in society, considering into account both its production period and the next two millenniums. This study, based particularly upon his Republic and other works, aims to re-consider how Plato is regarded both as a misogynist and a women's rightist, or both as a woman hater and a proto-feminist by certain scholars. -/- Keywords: Plato, Woman Rights, Republic, Feminism, Misogyny. (shrink)

Deleuze uważa, ze nie można pogodzić Hegla i Nietzschego. Hegel jest wedle niego abstrakcyjny, a Nietzsche - konkretny. Tymczasem pojęcia "konkret" i "abstrakcja" należą do ideologicznego arsenału konserwatyzmu. Rozpatruję nie tyle prawdziwość tezy Deleuza, co jej genealogię. Hegel i Nietzsche kontynuują oświeceniowe poszukiwania "człowieka konkretnego". "Człowiek konkretny" to wytwór drugiej fazy oświecenia (rodzaj "kompensacji" w znaczeniu Marquarda): przekształcenie parenetyki w filozofię historii i kultury (wzgl. społeczną). "Wielki bohater historii" i "nadczłowiek" są próbami ujęcia konkretu społeczno-historycznego. Rzut oka na strukturalną pozycję (...) kategorii Hegla w jego systemie oraz ideału Nietzschego w jego myśli (mediatyzacja a problem wątpliwej konkretności nadczłowieka) uprawdopodabnia następujący wniosek: Nadczłowiek stanowi abstrakcyjny projekt uchwycenia konkretu. Nie można ukryć trudności w ocenie stosunku Hegla i Nietzschego wobec konserwatyzmu romantycznego. Przyczyna leży m.in. w wykorzystaniu arsenału myśli konserwatywnej przy jednoczesnym jej przekształceniu. Stąd trudno orzec, czy "konserwatyzm romantyczny" zniesiony (Hegel) lub przekształcony w ekstatyczno-chiliastyczną filozofię przyszłości (Nietzsche) jest bardziej konserwatywny, czy raczej liberalny itp. Jeden przykład z "warsztatu filozofowania" obu myślicieli wykazuje swoiste odniesienie się do konkretu, a także problematyczność tego odniesienia. Co więcej, opozycja konkret-abstrakt przy zmieniającym się jej nacechowaniu ideologicznym obejmuje również "empiryzm transcendentalny" samego Deleuze'a, a także - jak się zdaje - sporą część filozofii kontynuującej Nietzschego w intencji sprzeciwienia się Heglowi i jego metanarracjom. Wieloznaczność problemu konkretu ukrywa to, że jest pseudoproblemem lub - w najlepszym wypadku - mylącym wyróżnikiem stanowiska filozoficznego. (shrink)