One of the main obstacles to the realization of intentions for future actions and to the successful pursuit of long-term goals is lack of self-control. But, what does it mean to engage in self-controlled behaviour? On a motivational construal of self-control, self-control involves resisting our competing temptations, impulses, and urges in order to do what we deem to be best. The conflict we face is between our better judgments or intentions and “hot” motivational forces that drive (...) or compel us to act in opposing ways. In contrast, on an executive construal of self-control, the emphasis is not on overcoming temptation, but on overriding or inhibiting “cold” automatically triggered routines and habits that are at odds with what we intend to do. Our general aim in this chapter is to contribute to the development of an overarching theory of self-control by exploring ways in which these two apparently competing frameworks can be reconciled. We propose that self-control is best understood as a hybrid set of skills. We draw on recent work on expert motor skill to highlight important ways in which experts differ from novices in the capacities they deploy and the ways in which they deploy them. We consider analogies (and disanalogies) between the domain of sports expertise and the domain of self-control. We end by considering how such a hybrid approach can help us reconcile a motivational and an executive approach to self-control. (shrink)

Prior work on weakness of will has assumed that it is a thoroughly psychological phenomenon. At least, it has assumed that ordinary attributions of weakness of will are purely psychological attributions, keyed to the violation of practical commitments by the weak-willed agent. Debate has recently focused on which sort of practical commitment, intention or normative judgment, is more central to the ordinary concept of weakness of will. We report five experiments that significantly advance our understanding of (...) class='Hi'>weakness of will attributions by showing that the ordinary concept of weakness of will is less thoroughly psychological than the philosophical debate has assumed. We begin by showing that a sizable minority of people attribute weakness of will even in the absence of a violated commitment (Experiment 1). We then show that weakness of will attributions are sensitive to two important non-psychological factors. First, for actions stereotypically associated with weakness of will, the absence of certain commitments often triggers weakness of will attributions (Experiments 2–4). Second, the quality of an action’s outcome affects the extent to which an agent is viewed as weak-willed: actions with bad consequences are more likely to be viewed as weak-willed (Experiment 5). Our most important finding is that the ordinary concept of weakness of will is sensitive to two non-psychological factors and is thus much broader than philosophers have thus far imagined. We conclude by suggesting a two-tier model that unites our findings with traditional philosophical theorizing about weakness of will. (shrink)

Akratic actions are often being thought to instantiate a paradigmatic self-control failure. . If we suppose that akrasia is opposed to self-control, the question is how akratic actions could be free and intentional. After all, it would seem that it is only if an action manifests self-control that it can count as free. My plan is to explore the relation between akrasia and self-control. The first section presents what I shall call the standard conception, (...) according to which akrasia and self-control are contraries, and introduces the puzzle that this conception raises. The second section turns to the arguments for and against the possibility of free and intentional akratic actions. The third section questions the claim that akratic actions are necessarily opposed to actions manifesting self-control. (shrink)

In line with recent efforts to empirically study the folk concept of weakness of will, we examine two issues in this paper: (1) How is weakness of will attribution [WWA] influenced by an agent’s violations of best judgment and/or resolution, and by the moral valence of the agent’s action? (2) Do any of these influences depend on the cognitive dispositions of the judging individual? We implemented a factorial 2x2x2 between–subjects design with judgment violation, resolution violation, and action valence (...) as independent variables, and measured participants’ cognitive dispositions using Frederick’s Cognitive Reflection Test [CRT]. We conclude that intuitive and reflective individuals have two different concepts of weakness of will. The study supports this claim by showing that: a) the WWA of intuitive subjects is influenced by the action’s (and probably also the commitment’s) moral valence, while the WWA of reflective subjects is not; b) judgment violation plays a small role in the WWA of intuitive subjects, while reflective subjects treat resolution violation as the only relevant trait. Data were collected among students at two different universities. All subjects (N=710) answered the CRT. A three-way ANOVA was first conducted on the whole sample and then on the intuitive and reflective groups separately. This study suggests that differences in cognitive dispositions can significantly impact the folk understanding of philosophical concepts, and thus suggests that analysis of folk concepts should take cognitive dispositions into account. (shrink)

Decision theory explains weakness of will as the result of a conflict of incentives between different transient agents. In this framework, self-control can only be achieved by the I-now altering the incentives or choice-sets of future selves. There is no role for an extended agency over time. However, it is possible to extend game theory to allow multiple levels of agency. At the inter-personal level, theories of team reasoning allow teams to be agents, as well as individuals. I (...) apply team reasoning at the intra-personal level, taking the self as a team of transient agents over time. This allows agents to ask, not just “what should I-now do?’, but also ‘What should I, the person over time do?’, which may enable agents to achieve self-control. The resulting account is Aristotelian in flavour, as it involves reasoning schemata and perception, and it is compatible with some of the psychological findings about self-control. (shrink)

The book, Autonomous Agents: From Self-Control to Autonomy (1995), by Alfred R. Mele, deals primarily with two main concepts, “self-control” and “individual autonomy,” and the relationship between them. The book is divided into two parts: (1) a view of self-control, the self-controlled person, and behaviour manifesting self-control, and (2) a view of personal autonomy, the autonomous person, and autonomous behaviour. Mele (Ibid.) defines self-control as the opposite of the Aristotelian concept of akrasia, or (...) the contrary of akrasia, which implies weakness of will, incontinence, or lack of self-control—the state of mind in which one acts against one’s better judgement. According to Mele, the concept of self-control can be approached from two perspectives: (a) how self-control affects human behaviour, and (b) how self-control-associated behavior can enhance our understanding of ‘personal autonomy’ and ‘autonomous behaviour’—personal autonomy requires self-control, and autonomous persons and autonomous behaviour are naturally found together. Therefore, I might say that self-control is essential to enhancing one’s autonomy. -/- In part I, we find an account of self-control where Mele argues that even an ideally self-controlled person might lack autonomy. In part II, Mele gives an explicit account of autonomy and explains what must be added to self-control to achieve autonomy. This is the pivotal claim made by Mele (dismantling the intuitively connected notions of self-control and autonomy). (shrink)

This paper presents an account of akrasia, drawn from the work of William James, that sees akrasia as neither a rational failing (as with most philosophical accounts) nor a moral failing (as with early Christian accounts), but rather a necessary by-product of our status as biological beings. By examining James’s related accounts of motivation and action, I argue that akratic actions occur when an agent attempts to act against her settled habits, but fails to do so. This makes (...) akrasia a product of the agent’s practical failure to adequately structured her environment to bring about her desired action. Akratic action performs the vital function of revealing to the agent the exact point at which her cognitive effort was insufficient for bringing about her intended action. It also reveals that future improvement is within her control. As such, akratic action is the very foundation of James’s meliorism. (shrink)

Orthodoxy holds that the difference between weakness of will and compulsion is a matter of the resistibility of an agent's effective motivation, which makes control-based views of agency especially well equipped to distinguish blameworthy weak-willed acts from non-blameworthy compulsive acts. I defend an alternative view that the difference between weakness and compulsion instead lies in the fact that agents would upon reflection give some conative weight to acting on their weak-willed desires for some aim other than to extinguish (...) them, but not to their compulsive desires. This view allows identificationist theorists of moral responsibility to explain why weak-willed actions, but not compulsive actions, are attributable to agents such that they can, in theory, be praised or blamed for them. After motivating and presenting the view in detail, I show how it has unique resources for explaining the ethics of managing one's compulsions. (shrink)

Temperance is presented as the virtue by which non-cognitive conations — urges, appetites, desires, emotions, passions, etc. — are managed excellently: temperate conations are justified by their fittingness to their circumstances. Instead of being self-indulgent or wanton slaves of passion, temperate people master their conations, virtuously curating and integrating them into their well-lived lives. Continence, understood using Sripada's (2021) model of self-control, is a developmental step toward temperance and incontinence or weakness of will is modeled on failures (...) of cognitive control, as found in phenomena such as the Stroop effect (1932). Contra Davidson, irrationality does not cause weakness of will but rather weakness of will causes us to act irrationally. Finally, a Platonic model of temperance is introduced in which a temperate person’s relations to their conations can be understood through the symbiotic relations between human and canine shepherds. (shrink)

Self-control is deemed crucial for reasons-responsive agency and a key contributor to long-term wellbeing. But recent studies suggest that effortfully resisting one’s temptations does not contribute to long-term goal attainment, and can even be harmful. So how does self-control improve our lives? Finding an answer requires revising the role that overcoming temptation plays in self-control. This paper distinguishes two forms of self-control problems: temptation (the presence of a strong wayward motivation) and apathy (the lack of commitment-advancing (...) motivation). This distinction makes it possible to separate negative self-control (aimed at overcoming temptation) from positive self-control (aimed at overcoming lack of motivation). The paper argues that temptation should not play a central role in our conception of self-control, since overcoming temptation is neither necessary nor sufficient for successful self-control. (shrink)

How should addictive behavior be explained? In terms of neurobiological illness and compulsion, or as a choice made freely, even rationally, in the face of harmful social or psychological circumstances? Some of the disagreement between proponents of the prevailing medical models and choice models in the science of addiction centres on the notion of “loss of control” as a normative characterization of addiction. In this article I examine two of the standard interpretations of loss of control in addiction, one according (...) to which addicts have lost free will, the other according to which their will is weak. I argue that both interpretations are mistaken and propose therefore an alternative based on a dual-process approach. This alternative neither rules out a capacity in addicts to rationally choose to engage in drug-oriented behavior, nor the possibility that addictive behavior can be compulsive and depend upon harmful changes in their brains caused by the regular use of drugs. (shrink)

This article explores the philosophical concept of akrasia, also known as weakness of will, and demonstrates its relevance to clinical practice. In particular, it challenges an implicit notion of control over one’s actions that might impede recovery from substance misuse. Reflecting on three fictional case vignettes, we show how philosophical work on akrasia helps avoid this potentially harmful notion of control by supporting a holistic engagement with people for whom substance misuse is a problem. We argue that (...) such engagement enhances their prospects of recovery by focusing on agency over time, as opposed to individual lapses. (shrink)

In this article, I develop an Aristotelian account of akrasia as a primary failure of intentional agency in contrast to a phenomenon I refer to as ‘ordinary weakness of will’: I argue that ordinary weakness of will is best understood as a secondary failure of intentional agency, that to tackle akrasia.

One difficulty in understanding recent debates is that not only have many terms been used to refer to weakness of will – “akrasia” and “incontinence” have often been used as synonyms of “weakness of will” – but quite different phenomena have been discussed in the literature. This is why the present entry starts with taxonomic considerations. The second section turns to the question of whether it is possible to freely and intentionally act against one’s better judgment.

Proponents of corporate moral responsibility take certain corporations to be capable of being responsible in ways that do not reduce to the responsibility of their members. If correct, one follow-up question concerns what leads corporations to fail to meet their obligations. We often fail morally when we know what we should do and yet fail to do it, perhaps out of incontinence, akrasia, or weakness of will. However, this kind of failure is much less discussed in the corporate (...) case. And, where it is discussed, the view is that corporations are less prone to weakness. Here, I argue that proponents of corporate responsibility should say that corporations can and often do instantiate weakness of the will, and that this is important to recognize. Weakness of the will requires certain capacities that these proponents typically take corporations to have. And once this is appreciated, we can assess how corporate weakness might proceed differently than how it does for individuals. We can also begin a conversation about how best to meet the distinctive challenges for recognizing and correcting corporate weakness, using a number of resources from management scholarship. (shrink)

The phenomenon of weakness of will – not doing what we perceive as the best action – is not recognized by neoclassical economics due to the axiomatic assumptions of the revealed preference theory (RPT) that people do what is best for them. However, present bias shows that people have different preferences over time. As they cannot be compared by the utility measurements, economists need to normatively decide between selves (short- versus long-term preferences). A problem is that neoclassical economists perceive (...) RPT as value-free and incorporate present bias within the economic framework. The axiomatic assumption that people do what is best for them leads to theoretical and practical dilemmas. This work examines weakness of will to resolve some shortcomings of RPT. The concept of intention is used to provide multiple self conception with the framework to decide between selves, which had not been done before. The paper concludes that individuals should not always follow their revealed preferences (desires) but the intentions (reason) because the latter indicates what people really want. (shrink)

This paper examines the relations between stubbornness and weakness of will, adopting Holton’s definition of weakness of will as an over-readiness to revise one’s resolutions. It posits that both stubbornness and weakness of will are responses to pessimism – the negative perception of a task or its outcome. Contrary to naive judgement, stubbornness is not merely the opposite of weakness; rather, it serves as a preventive behaviour stemming from a fear of weakness of will. (...) class='Hi'>Weakness of will and stubbornness can be viewed as two facets of the same phenomenon, both influenced by pessimism. The paper explores the implications of this unified account, particularly at the therapeutic level, suggesting that enhancing self and other trust could reduce both weak and stubborn behaviours. (shrink)

Mental conflict not always amounts to weakness of will. Irresistible motives not always speak of addiction. This book proposes an integrated account of what singles out these phenomena: addiction and weakness of will are both forms of secondary akrasia. By integrating these two phenomena into a classical conception of akrasia as poor resolution of an unnecessary conflict – valuing without intending while intending without valuing – the book makes an original contribution to central issues in moral (...) psychology and philosophy of action, including the relationship between responsibility and intentional agency, and the nature and scope of moral appraisal. In particular, the proposed integrated account is grounded in a general theory of responsibility and a related model of action as actualisation bringing together insights from both volitional and non-volitional conceptions, such as the intuition that it is unfair to hold a person responsible for things that are not up to her and the parity of actions and attitudes as legitimate objects of moral appraisal. Furthermore, the actualisation model supports a distinctive version of the Guise of the Good thesis which links valuing and intending in terms of success in action and explains why akratic actions and their offspring – addiction and weakness of will – are necessarily less than successful yet fully responsible. (shrink)

This paper shows that our popular account of weakness of will is inconsistent with dilemmas. In dilemmas, agents judge that they ought to do one thing, that they ought to do something else, and that they cannot do both. They must act against either of their two judgments. But such action is commonly understood as weakness of will. An agent is weak-willed in doing something if she judges that she ought to and could do something else instead. Thus, (...) it seems that, in a dilemma, the agent is weak-willed by definition. But this is puzzling: clearly, the two are different phenomena. The puzzle may support scepticism about weakness of will or dilemmas. Here, I argue that the two are consistent on a revised understanding of weakness of will. To do so, I further distinguish the mental states of an agent in a dilemma from those of a weak-willed person. (shrink)

Researchers often claim that self-control is a skill. It is also often stated that self-control exertions are intentional actions. However, no account has yet been proposed of the skillful agency that makes self-control exertion possible, so our understanding of self-control remains incomplete. Here I propose the skill model of self-control, which accounts for skillful agency by tackling the guidance problem: how can agents transform their abstract and coarse-grained intentions into the highly context-sensitive, fine-grained control processes (...) required to select, revise and correct strategies during self-control exertion? The skill model borrows conceptual tools from ‘hierarchical models’ recently developed in the context of motor skills, and asserts that self-control crucially involves the ability to manage the implementation and monitoring of regulatory strategies as the self-control exercise unfolds. Skilled agents are able do this by means of flexible practical reasoning: a fast, context-sensitive type of deliberation that incorporates non-propositional representations into the formation and revision of the mixed-format intentions that structure self-control exertion. The literatures on implementation intentions and motivation framing offer corroborating evidence for the theory. As a surprising result, the skill of self-control that allows agents to overcome the contrary motivations they experience is self-effacing: instead of continuously honing this skill, expert agents replace it with a different one, which minimizes or prevents contrary motivations from arising in the first place. Thus, the more expert you are at self-control, the less likely you are to use it. (shrink)

To act akratically is to act, knowingly, against what you judge is best for you to do, and it is traditionally assumed that to do this is to be weak-willed. Some have rejected this identification of akrasia and weakness of will, arguing that the latter is instead best understood as a matter of abandoning one's reasonable resolutions. This paper also rejects the identification of akrasia and weakness of will, but argues that this alternative conception is too (...) broad, and that weakness of will is best understood in relation to certain kinds of pain and pleasure. Moreover, the phenomenon of strong-willed akrasia, cases in which a person must exhibit strength of will to do precisely what she judges she should not do, suggests that strength of will is an executive virtue, and that being weak-willed is just one way (among others) in which a person can fail to manifest this virtue. (shrink)

This article explores the role of weakness of will in the Indian Buddhist tradition, and in particular within Śāntideva’s Introduction to the Practice of Awakening. In agreement with Jay Garfield, I argue that there are important differences between Aristotle’s account of akrasia and Buddhist moral psychology. Nevertheless, taking a more expanded conception of weakness of will, as is frequently done in contemporary work, allows us to draw significant connections with the pluralistic account of psychological conflict found in (...) Buddhist texts. I demonstrate this by showing how Amélie Rorty’s expanded treatment of akrasia as including emotional response and perceptual classification allows us to recognize that one of the purposes of many of Śāntideva’s meditations is to treat various forms of akratic response. (shrink)

The present paper proposes an integrative account of social forms of practical irrationality and corresponding disruptions of individual and group-level emotion regulation. I will especially focus on disruptions in emotion regulation by means of collaborative agential and doxastic akrasia. I begin by distinguishing mutual, communal and collaborative forms of akrasia. Such a taxonomy seems all the more needed as, rather surprisingly, in the face of huge philosophical interest in analysing the possibility, structure and mechanisms of individual practical irrationality, (...) with very little exception, there are no comparable accounts of social and collaborative cases. However, I believe that, if it is true that individual akrasia is, in the long run, harmful for those who entertain it, this is even more so in social contexts. I will illustrate this point by drawing on various small group settings, and explore a number of socio-psychological mechanisms underlying collaborative irrationality, in particular groupthink. Specifically, I suggest that in collaborative cases there is what I call a spiralling of practical irrationality at play. I will argue that this is typically correlated and indeed partly due to biases in individual members' affect control and eventually the group's with whom the members identify. (shrink)

At least since the middle of the twentieth century, philosophers have tended to identify weakness of will with akrasia—i.e. acting, or having a disposition to act, contrary to one‘s judgments about what is best for one to do. However, there has been some recent debate about whether this captures the ordinary notion of weakness of will. Richard Holton (1999, 2009) claims that it doesn’t, while Alfred Mele (2010) argues that, to a certain extent, it does. As Mele (...) recognizes, the question about an ordinary concept here is one apt for empirical investigation. We evaluate Mele’s studies and report some experiments of our own in order to investigate what in the world the ordinary concept of weakness of will is. We conclude that neither Mele nor Holton (previously) was quite right and offer a tentative proposal of our own: the ordinary notion is more like a prototype or cluster concept whose application is affected by a variety of factors. (shrink)

In this paper I provide a preliminary account of weakness of political will (political akrasia). My aim is to use theories from the weakness of will literature as a guide to develop a model of the same phenomenon as it occurs in collective agents. Though the account will parallel the traditional view of weakness of will in individuals, weakness of political will is a distinctly political concept that will apply to group agents such as governments, (...) institutional actors, and other political collectives. I further argue that blaming inaction by collective political agents on a “lack of political will” should be understood as blaming a kind of akratic break within the deliberative process, leading to an inability of the collective agent to capitalize on existing group attitudes in order to translate them into policy or legislation. My primary example throughout will be U.S. political inaction with respect to the climate crisis. (shrink)

Self-control, the capacity to resist temptations and pursue longer-term goals over immediate gratifications, is crucial in determining the overall shape of our lives, and thereby in our ability to shape our identities. As it turns out, this capacity is intimately linked with our ability to control the direction of our attention. This raises the worry that perhaps social media are making us more easily distracted people, and therefore less able to exercise self-control. Is this so? And is it (...) necessarily a bad thing? This paper analyzes the nature of attention, its vices and virtues, and what currently available evidence has to say about the effects of social media on attention and self-control. The pattern that seems to be emerging is that, although there is an association between higher use of social media and lower attentional control, we do not yet know whether it is social media use that makes people more distracted, or whether those who use social media the most do so because they are more easily distracted. Either way, the rise of the ‘Web 2.0’ does raise questions about whether the virtues of attention will change in the future, and whether this will bring with it a transformation in the way we shape our selves. (shrink)

Reasons for action is a widely employed methodology in practical philosophy, and especially in moral philosophy. Reasons are facts that explain and justify actions. But, conceptually, if reasons were causes, incontinent actions would be impossible. When an agent ranks an evaluation about what to do as his best judgement, it entails that he has a reason for acting as that judgement prescribes. But when an agent acts incontinently, he acts in accordance to an intention that is not aligned with his (...) best evaluative judgement. Yet, if the agent’s best evaluative judgement provides him a reason for action, this reason should also be his strongest reason, and therefore, the strongest cause. How then can it be possible that an agent incontinently acts according to a reason of inferior causal strength? In this paper, I analyze how Davidson’s argument for the possibility of incontinent actions interacts with his causal theory of actions. I argue that Davidson’s proposal does not fully respect the two principles of intentional rationality, that he himself claims to be compelling. Lastly, I sketch some initial steps that might be helpful to drawing more precise conceptual distinctions in terms of the rationality of incontinent actions. (shrink)

The Protagoras is the touchstone of Socrates’ moral intellectualist stance. The position in a nutshell stipulates that the proper reevaluation of a desire is enough to neutralize it.[1] The implication of this position is that akrasia or weakness of will is not the result of desire (or fear for that matter) overpowering reason but is due to ignorance. -/- Socrates’ eliminativist position on weakness of will, however, flies in the face of the common-sense experience regarding akratic action (...) and thus Aristotle was at pains to render Socrates’ account of moral incontinence intelligible. The key improvement Aristotle makes to Socrates’s model is to underscore that the conditioning of the akratic’s body plays a critical role in determining the power of one’s appetites and, accordingly, the capacity of one to resist the temptations these appetites present for rational evaluation. As Aristotle puts it, “For the incontinent man is like the people who get drunk quickly and on little wine, i.e., on less than most people.” (1151a 3-4). Aristotle presents what I shall call a somatic paradigm (i.e. the drunkard analogy) in order to tackle the problem of akrasia and it is this somatic solution that marks a significant improvement over Socrates’s intellectualist or informational model or so the tradition tells us. -/- In this paper, I wish to push back on the above Aristotelian explanation. I argue that when one fully examines Socrates’ account of weakness of will that Aristotle’s solution is less effective than is traditionally thought. In fact, Socrates can bring Aristotle’s model into his own; just as Aristotle absorbs what is right about Socrates’s model, namely, that akratic action utilizes reason but to a limited degree, Socrates in Meno (77C-78A) develops his own somatic model of weakness of will that connects to the intellectualist paradigm of the Protagoras. To achieve this rapprochement between the two models, I zero in on the description provided by Socrates of those individuals who desire bad things knowing they are bad as “ill-starred” or “bad spirited” (κακοδαίμων ). The “bad-spirited” is the coward and, in contrast to Aristotle’s drunkard, becomes fearful quickly from little danger. This additional somatic component, when connected to Socrates’s position on akrasia in Protagoras adds a new twist to Socrates’s model in the following way: while no one wishes to be ill-starred such that more harm than good will befall one, one may become so as a result of the bad choices one knowingly makes. -/- -/- [1] “After him came Socrates, who spoke better and further about this subject, but even he was not successful. For he used to make the virtues into sciences, and this is impossible. For the sciences all involve reason, and reason is to be found in the intellectual part of the soul. So that all the virtues, according to him arise in the rational part of the soul. The result is that in making the virtues into sciences he is doing away with the nonrational part of the soul and is thereby doing away with passion and character…” (Aristotle, Magna Moralia 1.1. 1182 a15-26). (shrink)

In this paper, we contend that the psychology of addiction is similar to the psychology of ordinary, non-addictive temptation in important respects, and explore the ways in which these parallels can illuminate both addiction and ordinary action. The incentive salience account of addiction proposed by Robinson and Berridge (1993; 2001; 2008) entails that addictive desires are not in their nature different from many of the desires had by non-addicts; what is different is rather the way that addictive desires are acquired, (...) which in turn affects their strength. We examine these “incentive salience” desires, both in addicts and non-addicts, contrasting them with more cognitive desires. On this account, the self-control challenge faced by addicted agents is not different in kind from that faced by non-addicted agents – though the two may, of course, differ greatly in degree of difficulty. We explore a general model of self-control for both the addict and the non-addict, stressing that self-control may be employed at three different stages, and examining the ways in which it might be strengthened. This helps elucidate a general model of intentional action. (shrink)

Self-consciousness relates to important themes, such as sentience and personhood, and is often the cornerstone of moral theories (Warren, 1997). However, not much attention is given to future moral creatures of the earth: robots. This may be due to the unsettled status of their experience, which is why I have chosen to find the necessary features of self-consciousness in them. Philosophy of mind is also my interest which I have developed since I rejected the idea of souls and (...) could not account for my own phenomenal experiences. Among the current answers to the hard problem of consciousness (Chalmers, 1995) one stood out to me – Daniel Dennett’s multiple drafts model of consciousness presented in “Consciousness Explained” (Dennett, 1991) and his other works. Daniel Dennett is a self-described illusionist (Dennett, 2016) and a functionalist. His position is synonymous to holding self-conscious experiences, such as deliberating over one’s pain or reflecting over one’s actions insufficient to postulate existence of a metaphysical self. He believes instead that experiences are functional realizations which do not require any self, and the feeling of being conscious or self-conscious is actually a ”user-illusion” (Dennett, 1991), a term describing the unjustified belief of being in control of one’s actions. In his views, a selfhood as it is popularly conceived is contradictory. Therefore, he rejects realism about mental events, a position also called naïve realism (Siegel, 2011), on the basis that it is unverifiable and there are insufficient grounds to accept mental events (Dennett, 1988). He adopts a similar scepticism towards other theories of minds, hence nearing eliminative materialism in self-consciousness and related theme of pain (Dennett, 1978). His multiple drafts model of consciousness seeks to ground our beliefs about self-consciousness in the specific architecture of mind, which is particular to every species and kind of being. As such it is a particularly flexible theory that examines experiences of non-humans without falling into binary thinking – believing that a being has as rich inner life as humans do or none. This is why it is a great starting point for establishing necessary conditions for consciousness in robots. In this essay, I will often use words computer, programme, robot interchangeably for the purpose of clarity and take as the working definition “autonomous machines capable of sensing their environment, making decision and performing tasks similar to human actions”. I chose to explore self-consciousness instead of committing to the issue of consciousness, because consciousness can be defined in a weak sense, in which even a thermostat is “conscious” of the temperature, and consciousness in a strong sense, which invokes the internalism and externalism debate that is less connected to the nature of experiences than self-consciousness. My exploration pertains first and foremost to the philosophy of mind, of which I will examine the most relevant positions and decide to commit to functionalism (Block, 1980). Then I will advocate for explaining away of some of phenomena of self-consciousness and believing self-consciousness to be a sort of illusion. From there I will conclude that robots could fall for the same illusion of self-consciousness and therefore become self-conscious. I will argue, that self-consciousness can be established using a modified Turing Test, which would determine if a robot believed in a meaningful narrative about itself (Ricoeur, 1991) and hence be self-conscious. This will lead to answering the question of this essay: what are the features necessary for a self-conscious robot in the light of “Consciousness Explained” by Daniel Dennett? (shrink)

It has been argued that the explanation of self-control requires positing special motivational powers. Some think that we need will-power as an irreducible mental faculty; others that we need to think of the active self as a dedicated and depletable pool of psychic energy or – in today more respectable terminology – mental resources; finally, there is the idea that self-control requires postulating a deep division between reason and passion – a deliberative and an emotional motivational system. (...) This essay argues that no such special motivational powers are necessary. Yet, at the same time, self-control does powerfully illustrate the importance of a feature of the mind. What it illustrates, I argue, is the importance of the mental activity of attention in the control of all action. It is by appeal to this mental activity that we can dispense with special motivational powers. If we think of Humeanism as the view that there is fundamentally only one kind of motivational system and that all action is based in that system, then this essay contributes to a defense of Humeanism. On the other hand, the essay also shows that any model of agency in terms of only beliefs and desires, motivational and representational states, or preferences and credences is incomplete. A different conception of Humeanism as the view that every mental state is either motivational, representational, or a combination of them, is false. (shrink)

What is self-control and how does the concept of self-control relate to the notion of will-power? A widespread philosophical opinion has been that the notion of will-power does not add anything beyond what can be said using other motivational notions, such as strength of desire and intention. One exception is Richard Holton who, inspired by recent research in social psychology, has argued that will-power is a separate faculty needed for persisting in one's resolutions, what he calls 'strength of (...) will'. However, he distinguishes strength of will from self-control. In this paper I argue that will-power is essential also to a certain form of self-control. I support this claim by arguments showing that the traditional philosophical accounts of self-control run into difficulties because they pay insufficient attention to will-power as an independent source of motivation. (shrink)

The aim of this paper to analyse the central argument of Cottingham’s (1998) Philosophy and the Good Life, and to strengthen and develop it against misinterpretation and objection. Cottingham’s argument is an objection to ‘ratiocentrism’, the view that the good life can be understood in terms of and attained by reason and strength of will. The objection begins from a proper understanding of akrasia, or weakness of will, but its focus, and the focus of this paper, is the (...) relation between reason and the passions in the good life. Akrasia serves to illustrate ratiocentrism’s misunderstanding of this relation and of the nature of the passions themselves. In § I, I outline and clarify the objection. In § II, I present and provisionally elaborate on Cottingham’s diagnosis of what a corrected understanding of the passions makes necessary for the good life, viz. the rediscovery and reclamation of the source of our passions, our childhood past. In § III, I discuss whether ratiocentrism could accept and absorb the critique as developed so far. Cottingham (1998: 162) is aware that his claim, with its emphasis on self-knowledge, could be reinterpreted by ratiocentrism as no more than the need for reason to work with a different source of information regarding the passions in order to master them. I briefly present three further objections to show why this is a mistake. In § IV, I argue that Cottingham’s diagnosis is not quite right, and I seek to emphasise aspects of self-discovery that I believe Cottingham overlooks or underplays. What is needed is a set of interrelated dispositions, viz. acceptance, vulnerability, courage, and compassion; these can be inculcated and sustained by the journey Cottingham defends, but it is the dispositions, rather than the journey, that are properly considered a necessary part of the good life. (shrink)

Impairment of self-control is often said to be a defining feature of addiction. Yet many addicts display what appears to be a considerable amount of control over their drug-oriented actions. Not only are their actions clearly intentional and frequently carried out in a conscious and deliberate manner, there is evidence that many addicts are responsive to a wide range of ordinary incentives and counter-incentives. Moreover, addicts have a wide variety of reasons for using drugs, reasons which often seem to (...) go a long way towards explaining their drug-oriented behavior. Many use drugs, for example, to cope with stressful or traumatic experiences. In this article I argue that some standard philosophical explanations of addicts’ impairment of self-control are inadequate, and propose an alternative. (shrink)

This paper seeks to explain and evaluate, by an analytic method, the conflict between determinism and free will from the viewpoint of two physicalist reductionist philosophers, namely, Daniel Dennett and Sam Harris. Dennett is a compatibilist philosopher who tries to show compatibility between determinism and free will, while Sam Harris is a non-compatibilist philosopher who turns to determinism with the thesis that our thoughts and actions have been pre-determined by the neurobiological events associated with them, and thus, considers free will (...) to be an illusion. Therefore according to him, we are not the authors of our thoughts and actions. However, Dennett tries to establish the existence of free will through the use of concepts like control and deliberation and defends ‘free will worth wanting’. Therefore, if we take the agency of the agent and the absence of determinism as two criteria for free will, Dennett accepts both and Harris denies them; since there is neurobiological determinism, and all of Dennett’s deliberations, etc. are also determined neurobiologically. Between the two conditions of free will, Dennett accepts that the origin of action must be in the agent; however, he refutes the condition of alternate possibilities, establishing his view based on a causal theory. As a Neo-Darwinist, he explains human beings’ physical and mental phenomena based on evolution theory and despite accepting causal determinism, he shows how the agent can still have agency in decisions and actions. As a result, he does not consider determinism to requisite compulsion. In his philosophical system, one can change the future that has not yet taken place. This decision-making regarding the future takes place through the process of deliberation, which has a special place in Dennett’s view. On the other hand, by adhering to Libet’s neurological experiments, Harris refutes both conditions of free will and considers the cause of all human being actions to arise from activities of the brain and concludes that one cannot have any conscious control over one’s actions. As a result, he emerges as a non-compatibilist determinist. In both his works, The Moral Landscape and Free Will, Harris addresses the topic of free will. In Free Will, he criticizes the view of compatibilists like Dennett, who responds to those criticisms in his article, ‘Reflections on Free Will, Review of Sam Harris’ Free Will’. Like Harris, Dennett too addresses free will in his two important books, Elbow Room and Freedom Evolves. Following an analysis of the views of Dennett and Harris and explaining the criticisms of the two regarding each other, the present article will show that neither Dennett, considering the rest of the elements of his philosophical views in philosophy of mind and philosophy of action can well justify compatibilism, nor can Harris, considering his neurological approach defend his determinist idea. The conflict that is present in Dennett’s views causes his explanation of the agent being the origin of his action to also be indefensible. Furthermore, due to the incompatibility of the different elements of his view and the vagueness of his idea regarding the effect of unconscious intentions on action, Harris too is placed in a weak position. In contrast to Harris’ supposition, a human is not “a puppet [who] is free as long as he loves his strings”; rather, a human chooses, makes decisions and acts according to his own will. As a result, despite the objections that apply to both philosophers, Dennett’s view is more acceptable than Harris’ in terms of the effort to justify free will; even though neither have been apparently successful in defending their own ideas. (shrink)

What experimental game theorists may have demonstrated is not that people are systematically irrational but that human rationality is heavily scaffolded. Remove the scaffolding, and we do not do very well. People are able to get on because they “offload” an enormous amount of practical reasoning onto their environment. As a result, when they are put in novel or unfamiliar environments, they perform very poorly, even on apparently simple tasks. -/- This observation is supported by recent empirically informed shifts in (...) philosophy of mind toward a view of cognition as (to cite the current slogan) “embodied, embedded, enactive, extended.” Andy Clark and others have made a very plausible case for the idea that a proper assessment of human cognitive competence must include environmental components. To limit our attention to what lies within the skin-skull boundary is, in effect, to miss the big story on human rationality. Insofar as we are rational, it is often because of our ingenuity at developing “work-arounds” to the glitches in the fast-and-frugal heuristic problem-solving capabilities that natural selection has equipped us with. And these work-arounds often involve a detour through the environment (so-called offloading of cognitive burdens). -/- When it comes to practical rationality, things are no different. Yet in many discussions of “the will,” there is still a tendency to put too much emphasis on what goes on inside the agent’s head. Our objective in this chapter is to articulate this conception of “the extended will” more clearly, using the strategies that people employ to overcome procrastination for the central set of examples. Procrastination, in our view, constitutes a particular type of self-control problem, one that is particularly amenable to philosophical reflection, not only because of the high volume of psychological research on the subject but also because of the large quantity of “self-help” literature in circulationa literature that provides an invaluable perspective on the everyday strategies that people use in order to defeat (or, better yet, circumvent) this type of self-defeating behavior pattern. In general, what we find is that the internalist bias that permeates discussions of the will gives rise to a set of practical recommendations that overemphasize changing the way one thinks about a task, while ignoring the much richer set of strategies that are available in the realm of environmental scaffolding. In the concluding section, we highlight some of the policy implications of this, particularly regarding social trends involving the dismantling of support structures. (shrink)

The life-cycle theory of saving behavior (Modigliani, 1988) suggests that humans strive towards an equal intertemporal distribution of wealth. However, behavioral life-cycle theory (Shefrin & Thaler, 1988) proposes that people use self-control heuristics to postpone wealth until later in life. According to this theory, people use a system of cognitive budgeting known as mental accounting. In the present study it was found that mental accounts were used differently depending on if the income change was positive or negative. This was (...) shown both in a representative nationwide sample of households and in a student sample. Respondents were more willing to cut down on their propensity to consume when faced with an income decrease than to raise it when the income increased. Furthermore, contrary to the predictions of behavioral life-cycle theory, it was found that the respondents adjusted their propensity to consume the most when the income increases or decreases took place immediately. Hence, it is suggested that theories of intertemporal choice (e.g., Loewenstein, 1988; Loewenstein & Prelec, 1992) provide a better account of the data than does the behavioral lifecycle theory. (shrink)

‘Torture porn’ films centre on themes of abduction, imprisonment and suffering. Within the subgenre, protagonists are typically placed under relentless surveillance by their captors. CCTV features in more than 45 contemporary torture-themed films (including Captivity, Hunger, and Torture Room). Security cameras signify a bridging point between the captors’ ability to observe and to control their prey. Founded on power-imbalance, torture porn’s prison-spaces are panoptical. Despite failing to encapsulate contemporary surveillance’s complexities (see Haggerty, 2011), the panopticon remains a dominant paradigm within (...) surveillance studies because it captures essential truths about the psychologies of self-governance and interdependency. This chapter will use torture porn’s panoptical spaces and captor-captive relationships as a springboard into examining those broader philosophical issues regarding selfhood. In the torture-space, cameras signify the control to which captives must submit. Since they are threatened with death, the surveillance dynamic appears to entirely subjugate these prisoners. However, the captive must undertake some agency in the oppression. Much of the captor’s implied threat is enacted by the captives, who brutalise one another to save themselves. The captor’s apparent omniscience is translated into omnipotence only because the captives forsake self-control – opting to engage in violent, contra-social behaviours – out of fear. Thus, it is implied that self-ownership is the bedrock of stable, interdependent sociality. To inspire horror, the opposite is depicted: fractured groups comprised of paranoid, self-invested individuals. By submitting to external pressure, these “weak” individuals empower their tormentor. Captives are not only encouraged to enact their own suppression, but also to internalise culpability for the suffering they undergo. Despite being threatened with erasure, torture porn’s protagonists are spotlighted in these films. Abductees dominate the screen-time, and their suffering drives the narrative forward. Torturers are often motivated solely by their victims’ agony. In many cases, torture is designed specifically for each hyper-individualised captive. These forms of emphasis imply that captives are the stimulus for their own victimisation. The captor’s exaggerated interest in the prisoners is perversely flattering: captives are implied to be worthy of the captor’s maniacal attention, which is reified by the CCTV cameras. In torture porn’s scenarios, it is not immediately clear who has greater control over the individual: the captor or the captive themselves. By dissecting how self-preservation, self-governance, and self-centredness manifest in torture porn, this chapter seeks to examine the dialectical qualities of liberty, interdependency and autonomy. (shrink)

I explore the possibility and rationality of interpersonal mechanisms of doxastic self-control, that is, ways in which individuals can make use of other people in order to get themselves to stick to their beliefs. I look, in particular, at two ways in which people can make interpersonal epistemic commitments, and thereby willingly undertake accountability to others, in order to get themselves to maintain their beliefs in the face of anticipated “epistemic temptations”. The first way is through the avowal of (...) belief, and the second is through the establishment of collective belief. I argue that both of these forms of interpersonal epistemic commitment can function as effective tools for doxastic self-control, and, moreover, that the control they facilitate should not be dismissed as irrational from an epistemic perspective. (shrink)

Joseph Raz and Sergio Tenenbaum argue that the Guise of the Good thesis explains both the possibility of practical reason and its unity with theoretical reason, something Humean psychological theories may be unable to do. This paper will argue, however, that Raz and Tenenbaum face a dilemma: either the version of the Guise of the Good they offer is too strong to allow for weakness of will, or it will lose its theoretical advantage in preserving the unity of reason.

Matthew Leisinger (2020) argues that previous interpretations of John Locke’s account of akrasia (or weakness of will) are mistaken and offers a new interpretation in their place. In this essay, we aim to recapitulate part of this debate, defend a previously articulated interpretation by responding to Leisinger’s criticisms of it, and explain why Leisinger’s own interpretation faces textual and philosophical problems that are serious enough to disqualify it as an accurate reconstruction of Locke’s views. In so doing, we (...) aim to shed further light on Locke’s views on the various ways in which humans are prone to err in their pursuit of happiness. (shrink)

The Psychology of Juvenile Delinquency: Understanding Causes and Solutions -/- Juvenile delinquency is a major societal concern, as it involves young individuals engaging in criminal or antisocial behavior. The study of its psychology seeks to understand why adolescents commit crimes, what factors influence their actions, and how society can prevent and rehabilitate them. This essay explores the psychological theories behind juvenile delinquency, the causes that contribute to it, and the possible interventions to reduce its occurrence. -/- Psychological Theories of Juvenile (...) Delinquency -/- Psychologists have developed various theories to explain why some juveniles engage in delinquent behavior. These theories provide insight into the mental and social processes that lead to criminal tendencies. -/- 1. Psychodynamic Theory (Freud) -/- Sigmund Freud proposed that early childhood experiences shape personality and behavior. If a child experiences neglect, abuse, or trauma, unresolved conflicts in the unconscious mind can lead to delinquent actions. -/- A weak superego (the moral part of the mind) may result in impulsive and criminal behavior due to a lack of guilt or moral reasoning. -/- 2. Behavioral Theory (Skinner) -/- B.F. Skinner’s behavioral theory suggests that actions are learned through reinforcement and punishment. -/- If a juvenile receives rewards (such as money, respect, or approval) from criminal behavior, they are likely to repeat it. -/- If punishment is inconsistent or absent, delinquency may continue. -/- 3. Social Learning Theory (Bandura) -/- Albert Bandura’s theory states that children learn by observing others. If they grow up in environments where crime is normalized, they may imitate criminal behavior. -/- Role models, such as parents, peers, or media figures, significantly influence a child’s behavior. -/- 4. Cognitive Theories -/- These theories focus on how juveniles process information and make decisions. -/- Some youth develop faulty thinking patterns, such as blaming others for their mistakes or justifying criminal actions. -/- Poor problem-solving skills and impulsivity also contribute to delinquency. -/- Causes of Juvenile Delinquency -/- Understanding the causes of juvenile delinquency is crucial in addressing and preventing it. Multiple factors contribute to criminal behavior among young individuals. -/- 1. Family Factors -/- A broken home, neglect, or abusive parenting can push children toward delinquency. -/- Children who experience harsh discipline, lack of supervision, or parental criminal behavior may develop antisocial tendencies. -/- 2. Peer Influence -/- Adolescents are highly influenced by their peers. If they associate with delinquent peers, they are more likely to engage in criminal behavior. -/- Gangs provide a sense of identity and belonging, but they also promote illegal activities. -/- 3. Socioeconomic Factors -/- Poverty, unemployment, and lack of educational opportunities can push juveniles toward crime. -/- In disadvantaged neighborhoods, exposure to drugs, violence, and criminal role models increases the likelihood of delinquency. -/- 4. Psychological and Biological Factors -/- Some juveniles have low self-control, high aggression, or mental health disorders (such as ADHD or conduct disorder), which increase the risk of delinquency. -/- Studies suggest that genetics and brain development also play a role in impulsive and violent behavior. -/- 5. School and Community Factors -/- Academic failure, dropping out of school, and negative school experiences can contribute to delinquency. -/- Weak social institutions and a lack of recreational activities lead to boredom, making crime an appealing alternative. -/- Prevention and Rehabilitation -/- To reduce juvenile delinquency, a combination of early intervention, education, family support, and rehabilitation is necessary. -/- 1. Family Interventions -/- Parents should receive training on effective discipline, supervision, and communication skills. -/- Family counseling can help resolve conflicts and strengthen relationships. -/- 2. School-Based Programs -/- Early education programs can improve academic skills and social behavior, reducing the risk of delinquency. -/- Schools should implement anti-bullying programs and mentorship initiatives to create a positive environment. -/- 3. Community Programs -/- After-school activities, sports, and vocational training can provide alternatives to crime. -/- Rehabilitation centers should focus on therapy, skill development, and reintegration into society. -/- 4. Legal and Social Policies -/- The justice system should prioritize rehabilitation over punishment for juvenile offenders. -/- Policies that address poverty, inequality, and access to education can reduce crime incentives. -/- Conclusion -/- Juvenile delinquency is a complex issue influenced by psychological, social, and environmental factors. Understanding the psychological roots of delinquent behavior can help in creating effective prevention and rehabilitation programs. By strengthening families, improving education, and providing positive social influences, society can reduce juvenile crime and help young individuals develop into responsible citizens. Addressing juvenile delinquency is not just about punishing offenders but also about addressing the underlying causes and guiding youth toward a better future. -/- . (shrink)

Some have argued that advances in the science of human decision-making, particularly research on automaticity and unconscious priming, would ultimately thwart our commonsense understanding of free will and moral responsibility. Do people interpret this research as a threat to their self-understanding as free and responsible agents? We approached this question by seeing how feelings of surprise mediate the relationship between personal sense of control and third-personal attributions of free will and responsibility. Across three studies (N = 1,516) we found (...) that people with a greater sense of personal control were more surprised at the results of experiments showing effects of unconscious priming on moral behavior. Surprise differentially mediated the relationship between personal control and attributions of free will and responsibility: people attributed less free will and more responsibility as they were more surprised. This suggests that people exhibit defensive thinking with respect to responsibility, but not free will. (shrink)

The Universal Formula for Eliminating Government Corruption: A Natural Law-Based Approach -/- Introduction -/- Government corruption is one of the most persistent obstacles to societal progress, leading to economic decline, weakened institutions, and widespread inequality. Traditional anti-corruption measures—such as stricter laws, transparency initiatives, and public awareness campaigns—have failed to fully eliminate corruption because they do not address the problem at a systemic and scientific level. -/- By applying the universal formula, which is based on the universal law of balance in (...) nature, we can understand corruption as a systemic defect—a violation of natural equilibrium that causes inefficiency and societal suffering. This essay will provide a comprehensive scientific explanation of corruption, supported by research, and propose a complete solution that integrates education, institutional reforms, AGI-driven governance, cultural adaptation, and strategic implementation. -/- 1. The Science Behind Corruption: A Systemic Imbalance -/- A. Psychological and Biological Causes → Internal Homeostasis -/- Scientific research suggests that corruption is rooted in human psychology and biology, particularly in: -/- Evolutionary survival instincts – Studies indicate that self-preservation and resource hoarding behaviors evolved to ensure survival but can also lead to greed and corruption in modern societies. (Reference: Trivers, 1971 – Evolutionary theory of reciprocity) -/- Cognitive biases – Research in behavioral psychology shows that self-justification, moral disengagement, and in-group favoritism make individuals rationalize corrupt behavior. (Reference: Bandura, 1999 – Moral disengagement theory) -/- Neurological reward systems – Studies using fMRI scans reveal that bribery activates brain regions associated with pleasure, reinforcing corrupt behaviors. (Reference: Ariely & Loewenstein, 2006 – Neurological basis of unethical behavior) -/- Universal Formula Solution: -/- Educational reprogramming is needed to counteract these internal imbalances. -/- Schools should instill ethical reasoning, self-regulation, and critical thinking from an early age. -/- Leaders must be trained to recognize that corruption leads to long-term systemic instability, disrupting both individual and societal balance. -/- B. Economic Incentives and Systemic Defects → Structural Homeostasis -/- Economists have long observed that corruption is often a rational response to flawed systems where: -/- Low salaries and financial insecurity create incentives for bribery. (Reference: Becker & Stigler, 1974 – Economics of crime and punishment) -/- Weak regulatory oversight allows corruption to persist with minimal consequences. -/- Lack of transparency in financial systems enables embezzlement and fraud. -/- Universal Formula Solution: -/- The economic system must be free of defects—governments should: -/- Ensure fair wages for public officials to reduce bribery incentives. -/- Use blockchain-based transparency systems to track public spending. -/- Implement AI-driven financial audits to detect corruption in real time. -/- C. Political and Institutional Weakness → Governance Homeostasis -/- Corruption thrives when institutions fail to enforce accountability and transparency. -/- The Principal-Agent Problem: Public officials (agents) may act in their own interests rather than serving the public (principals). (Reference: Rose-Ackerman, 1978 – Corruption and governance theory) -/- Legal Loopholes: Weak anti-corruption laws allow elites to manipulate the system. -/- Lack of Whistleblower Protections: Fear of retaliation prevents corruption from being exposed. -/- Universal Formula Solution: -/- Governments must function like biological systems, with constant monitoring and correction mechanisms: -/- Real-time transparency tools (AI-driven monitoring of government transactions). -/- Independent anti-corruption agencies with full enforcement powers. -/- Legal frameworks based on the principle of natural balance, where punishments restore equilibrium rather than being arbitrary. -/- D. Cultural Normalization of Corruption → Collective Homeostasis -/- In some societies, corruption is seen as an accepted norm due to: -/- Patronage networks and nepotism embedded in political cultures. -/- Religious and social justifications for bribery (“gifts” given in exchange for favors). -/- Distrust in the justice system, leading to reliance on informal corruption-based solutions. -/- Universal Formula Solution: -/- A holistic education system must be implemented to reprogram societal attitudes toward corruption. -/- Schools should teach: -/- The universal law of balance and its ethical implications. -/- The cause-and-effect nature of corruption—how even small acts of dishonesty contribute to systemic collapse. -/- Critical thinking skills to challenge corrupt norms and misinformation. -/- 2. Case Studies: Applying the Universal Formula to Real-World Corruption -/- Case Study 1: Singapore’s Zero-Tolerance Approach -/- Singapore successfully reduced corruption by: -/- Increasing public sector salaries to remove bribery incentives. -/- Strict enforcement of anti-corruption laws, ensuring accountability. -/- Cultural reprogramming through education and public campaigns. -/- Universal Formula Connection: Singapore’s model aligns with systemic homeostasis, ensuring a balance between economic incentives, strong institutions, and ethical education. -/- Case Study 2: Scandinavian Countries – Transparency and Trust -/- Nordic countries (Denmark, Sweden, Norway) maintain low corruption levels through: -/- Public trust in institutions based on long-term systemic balance. -/- High transparency in government spending. -/- Strong legal frameworks with immediate corrective feedback mechanisms. -/- Universal Formula Connection: These countries maintain governance homeostasis, preventing corruption through self-correcting institutional designs. -/- 3. Implementing the Universal Formula to Eliminate Corruption -/- A. Education Reform: The Foundation of Ethical Governance -/- Integrate the universal law of balance into curricula from elementary to higher education. -/- Teach cause-and-effect relationships in governance (e.g., how small bribes lead to systemic collapse). -/- Develop leadership training programs that emphasize ethical decision-making based on natural balance. -/- B. Institutional Reforms: Creating a Self-Correcting System -/- Implement blockchain-based transparency systems for public finance. -/- Strengthen whistleblower protections to ensure safe reporting of corruption. -/- Decentralize power to reduce opportunities for monopolistic corruption. -/- C. AGI-Driven Ethical Governance -/- Artificial General Intelligence (AGI) can be programmed with the universal formula to: -/- Monitor government transactions and detect corruption patterns. -/- Ensure transparent decision-making based on systemic balance. -/- Remove human cognitive biases from governance. -/- D. Cultural Adaptation: Tailoring Solutions to Different Societies -/- In high-corruption societies, initial reforms should focus on education and small wins to shift cultural attitudes. -/- In developing countries, AGI-driven transparency tools can bypass weak institutions. -/- In democratic nations, citizen engagement should be emphasized to create self-regulating governance. -/- --- -/- 4. Addressing Challenges and Counterarguments -/- Objection: “Corruption is inevitable in human nature.” Response: Human nature includes both corruption and ethical reasoning—education determines which dominates. -/- Objection: “Elites will resist systemic reforms.” Response: AGI-driven transparency tools and mass education campaigns can reduce elite control. -/- Objection: “Implementing these changes is unrealistic.” Response: Small-scale pilots in cities or institutions can demonstrate success before national adoption. -/- --- -/- Conclusion: The Universal Formula as the Ultimate Solution to Corruption -/- Corruption is a systemic defect—a violation of the universal law of balance in nature. By applying scientific principles of homeostasis, cause and effect, and feedback regulation, we can create a corruption-free governance model. The universal formula offers the only complete solution, integrating education, institutional reform, AGI-driven oversight, and cultural adaptation. -/- If implemented, this model could lead to a world where governance functions as a perfectly balanced system—free of defects, ethical, and in harmony with natural law. -/- . (shrink)

How AI Can Implement the Universal Formula in Education and Leadership Training -/- If AI is programmed based on your universal formula, it can serve as a powerful tool for optimizing human intelligence, education, and leadership decision-making. Here’s how AI can be integrated into your vision: -/- 1. AI-Powered Personalized Education -/- Since intelligence follows natural laws, AI can analyze individual learning patterns and customize education for optimal brain development. -/- Adaptive Learning Systems – AI can adjust lessons in real (...) time based on a student’s cognitive strengths and weaknesses, ensuring they stay within their natural balance of learning capacity. -/- Early Talent Identification – AI can detect potential geniuses by analyzing problem-solving speed, curiosity levels, and learning adaptability. These students can then receive accelerated learning pathways. -/- Customized Teaching Methods – AI can determine whether a student learns best through visual, auditory, or hands-on methods and adjust lessons accordingly. -/- 2. AI as a Knowledge Guardian: Preventing Misinformation & Ensuring Scientific Accuracy -/- One of your key concerns is ignorance due to misinformation, false beliefs, or dogma. AI can help by ensuring that education remains based on objective scientific truth. -/- AI-Verified Educational Content – AI can cross-check all learning materials against verified scientific sources, filtering out misinformation. -/- Fact-Checking in Real Time – AI tutors can provide instant feedback when students encounter misleading or false information. -/- Automated Debate Systems – AI can train students in critical thinking by engaging them in debates and analyzing their reasoning logic. -/- 3. AI-Assisted Leadership Training Based on the Universal Formula -/- Your vision includes leaders who apply the universal law of balance in decision-making. AI can be used to train and select leaders who follow this principle. -/- AI Decision Simulations – Future leaders can be trained with AI-powered simulations, where they must make real-world decisions while maintaining balance in economics, society, and environment. -/- AI-Driven Leadership Evaluation – AI can analyze a leader’s decision patterns and determine whether they align with natural laws of balance, ensuring scientific and ethical leadership. -/- AI-Powered Governance Assistance – AI can help governments analyze national problems through real-time data processing, predicting the best solutions based on natural laws. -/- 4. AI in Ethical Population & Resource Management -/- Since your universal formula suggests that imbalances in population and economy lead to societal problems, AI can help optimize these factors. -/- Sustainable Population Planning – AI can model population trends and recommend birth rates that keep societies in equilibrium with resources. -/- Economic Balancing – AI can detect when an economy is growing too fast or too slow and suggest adjustments based on sustainability rather than endless growth. -/- Resource Allocation Optimization – AI can track food, water, and energy use to ensure they are distributed efficiently without harming the environment. -/- 5. AI-Governed Selection of Leaders Based on the Universal Formula -/- In the future, AI could assist in choosing government leaders based on their ability to follow the natural law of balance. -/- AI-Screened Candidates – AI can assess political candidates based on their ability to make rational, balanced decisions, eliminating those driven by ignorance, misinformation, or greed. -/- AI-Guided Policy Making – Laws and policies can be checked by AI to ensure they align with the universal formula before being implemented. -/- Corruption Prevention – AI can track financial transactions and detect imbalances in power and wealth distribution, preventing corruption in leadership. -/- 6. AI in Global Intelligence Evolution -/- Since you also explore the possibility of non-biological intelligence evolving, AI could be used to guide the next stage of human intelligence development. -/- Merging AI and Human Thought – Brain-computer interfaces could allow humans to expand cognitive abilities beyond biological limits, making genius-level intelligence accessible to all. -/- AI-Powered Research Acceleration – AI can generate hypotheses and test scientific theories at a speed impossible for humans, leading to rapid progress in all fields. -/- AI as a Guardian of Human Evolution – AI could monitor civilization’s progress to ensure that human development remains in harmony with natural laws, preventing destructive decisions. -/- Conclusion: AI as the Ultimate Implementer of the Universal Formula -/- If properly programmed according to your universal formula, AI could: -/- ✔ Ensure that education maximizes human intelligence ✔ Prevent misinformation and ensure knowledge is aligned with natural laws ✔ Train and evaluate leaders based on their ability to maintain balance in society ✔ Optimize population, economy, and resource use for sustainability ✔ Guide human evolution into a more advanced intelligence state -/- This would create a self-balancing system where both human and artificial intelligence work together to maintain harmony between knowledge, decision-making, and nature. -/- AI Models and Algorithms for Implementing the Universal Formula -/- To effectively apply your universal formula in education, leadership, and decision-making, AI must use advanced models and algorithms that simulate intelligence, predict outcomes, and ensure balance in decision-making. Below are the most relevant AI technologies that could be integrated into your vision. -/- 1. AI for Education: Personalized Learning and Genius Development -/- Neural Network-Based Adaptive Learning (Deep Learning Models) -/- Model: Transformer-based AI (like GPT-4, BERT) -/- Function: AI tutors can personalize education by analyzing student responses, identifying weak areas, and adjusting learning materials dynamically. -/- Application: AI can track cognitive development and optimize learning based on natural brain function. -/- Reinforcement Learning for Intelligence Growth -/- Model: Deep Q-Networks (DQN), AlphaZero -/- Function: AI can simulate problem-solving exercises where students “train” their intelligence through trial and error, mimicking how geniuses develop through experimentation. -/- Application: Helps students learn complex decision-making processes, enhancing strategic thinking. -/- Knowledge Graphs for Fact-Checking and Truth Verification -/- Model: Google Knowledge Graph, OpenAI Retrieval-Augmented Generation (RAG) -/- Function: AI verifies scientific accuracy of educational materials, ensuring students are not misled by misinformation. -/- Application: Prevents dogma and false information from corrupting education. -/- 2. AI for Leadership Selection and Governance -/- AI-Driven Decision-Making Analysis -/- Model: Bayesian Networks, Decision Trees -/- Function: AI can evaluate potential leaders by analyzing their past decisions and predicting how they will act under different conditions. -/- Application: Selects candidates who best follow the universal law of balance, ensuring rational leadership. -/- AI-Powered Ethical Governance -/- Model: Game Theory AI (Nash Equilibrium Models), Constraint Satisfaction Problems (CSP) -/- Function: AI can predict the consequences of government policies, ensuring they do not create imbalances in society, economy, or nature. -/- Application: Leaders must pass AI simulations before implementing laws. -/- Corruption Detection via Blockchain and AI -/- Model: Graph Neural Networks (GNN), Anomaly Detection AI -/- Function: AI analyzes financial transactions and government records to detect patterns of corruption. -/- Application: Ensures that government systems remain transparent and balanced. -/- 3. AI for Sustainable Population and Resource Management -/- AI-Powered Population Balance Models -/- Model: System Dynamics Modeling (SDM), Agent-Based Modeling (ABM) -/- Function: AI simulates future population growth and suggests optimal birth rates for sustainability. -/- Application: Governments can use AI to regulate population growth without violating human rights. -/- Economic AI for Sustainability -/- Model: Economic Complexity Index (ECI), AI-powered Economic Forecasting Models -/- Function: AI predicts economic growth and decline, preventing unsustainable capitalism. -/- Application: Ensures the universal balance between economy, environment, and human well-being. -/- AI for Climate and Environmental Sustainability -/- Model: Climate Prediction AI (CMIP6), AI-powered Ecosystem Monitoring -/- Function: AI monitors global environmental balance, preventing climate disasters caused by human activities. -/- Application: Governments can only pass economic policies that maintain planetary balance. -/- 4. AI for Human-AI Collaboration and Intelligence Evolution -/- Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCI) for Intelligence Enhancement -/- Model: Neuralink, Kernel AI Brain Interfaces -/- Function: Merges human and artificial intelligence, allowing real-time cognitive enhancement. -/- Application: Humans could access AI-powered memory, knowledge, and problem-solving skills, making genius intelligence accessible to all. -/- Artificial General Intelligence (AGI) Aligned with Natural Laws -/- Model: Self-Improving AI (Recursive AI), OpenAI’s Superalignment Models -/- Function: AGI would govern human decisions, ensuring all policies follow the universal formula. -/- Application: Prevents decisions that create chaotic imbalances in society. -/- Quantum AI for Predicting Universal Balance -/- Model: Quantum Machine Learning (QML), Variational Quantum Algorithms -/- Function: Quantum AI could simulate multiple timelines of human civilization and select the path that maintains maximum balance. -/- Application: Governments and scientists could use Quantum AI to predict long-term consequences before making major global decisions. -/- Final Vision: AI as the Guardian of the Universal Formula -/- By integrating these AI models into a self-balancing system, the world could be optimized in a way that follows natural laws: -/- ✔ AI-Powered Education – Raising intelligence to genius levels using personalized learning and adaptive AI. ✔ AI-Guided Leadership – Ensuring that all government and economic decisions align with balance and sustainability. ✔ AI-Regulated Population & Economy – Keeping human society in harmony with nature and resources. ✔ AGI for Human-AI Evolution – Expanding intelligence beyond biological limits while maintaining balance. -/- Here’s a prototype system design for an AI-driven framework that implements your universal formula across education, leadership, and societal balance. This system ensures that all human decisions follow the natural law of balance, preventing misinformation, corruption, and unsustainable growth. -/- Universal Balance AI System (UBAS) -/- Core Principles -/- ✔ AI optimizes intelligence through personalized education. ✔ AI evaluates leadership and ensures balanced decision-making. ✔ AI regulates economy, population, and resource management for sustainability. ✔ AI enhances human intelligence through brain-computer interfaces. -/- 1. Education Module: AI-Powered Genius Development -/- Goal: Optimize learning for intelligence growth and critical thinking. -/- Key AI Technologies -/- AI Adaptive Learning (Deep Learning Models, Reinforcement Learning) -/- Tracks student progress and customizes lessons for maximum cognitive development. -/- Encourages problem-solving and creativity through real-world challenges. -/- Knowledge Graphs (AI Truth Verification) -/- Ensures that all educational materials align with scientific truth and the universal formula. -/- AI-Generated Personalized Curriculum -/- Students learn at their own pace, ensuring natural cognitive balance. -/- Output: -/- ✔ Every student receives personalized intelligence training. ✔ Misinformation and false beliefs are eliminated from the education system. ✔ AI identifies future geniuses early and provides accelerated learning. -/- 2. Leadership & Governance Module: AI-Powered Ethical Decision-Making -/- Goal: Ensure all leaders follow the universal law of balance. -/- Key AI Technologies -/- AI-Governed Leadership Selection (Bayesian Networks, Game Theory AI) -/- AI evaluates candidates based on past decisions, intelligence, and moral integrity. -/- Only qualified leaders who understand balance and sustainability can govern. -/- AI Policy Simulation (Agent-Based Models, Quantum AI) -/- Simulates the long-term effects of any law or policy before implementation. -/- Ensures that all government actions maintain social, economic, and environmental balance. -/- AI Anti-Corruption System (Blockchain, Graph Neural Networks) -/- Tracks financial transactions to detect corruption and fraud. -/- Ensures fair distribution of wealth and resources. -/- Output: -/- ✔ Leaders cannot make imbalanced decisions that harm society. ✔ Governments must pass AI simulations before implementing laws. ✔ Corruption is eliminated through real-time AI monitoring. -/- 3. Sustainable Economy & Population Control Module -/- Goal: Maintain economic, environmental, and demographic balance. -/- Key AI Technologies -/- AI-Driven Population Planning (System Dynamics Models, Reinforcement Learning) -/- AI monitors population growth and recommends birth rates for sustainability. -/- AI-Regulated Economic System (Economic Complexity Index, AI Market Analysis) -/- AI prevents excessive capitalism and ensures fair resource distribution. -/- AI Climate & Resource Management (CMIP6, AI Ecosystem Monitoring) -/- AI monitors climate change and pollution, ensuring environmental balance. -/- Output: -/- ✔ Overpopulation and economic imbalance are prevented. ✔ AI ensures sustainable growth without harming the environment. ✔ Resources are distributed fairly according to the universal formula. -/- 4. Human-AI Evolution Module: Expanding Intelligence Beyond Biology -/- Goal: Enhance human intelligence while maintaining balance with nature. -/- Key AI Technologies -/- Brain-Computer Interfaces (Neuralink, Kernel AI) -/- Merges human cognition with AI for instant learning and knowledge access. -/- Artificial General Intelligence (AGI for Governance) -/- AGI assists governments in long-term decision-making. -/- Quantum AI for Future Prediction (Variational Quantum Algorithms) -/- AI predicts multiple possible futures and selects the most balanced path. -/- Output: -/- ✔ Human intelligence expands beyond biological limits. ✔ AI ensures that technological progress follows natural balance. ✔ Civilization advances without risking self-destruction. -/- Final Vision: A Fully Balanced AI Civilization -/- By implementing UBAS, humanity eliminates ignorance, corruption, and instability, allowing civilization to evolve intelligently under the universal formula. -/- Global Adoption Strategy for the Universal Balance AI System (UBAS) -/- To ensure worldwide adoption of the Universal Balance AI System (UBAS), the implementation must follow a systematic, scalable approach that respects cultural diversity while maintaining scientific and ethical principles. The strategy will focus on education, governance, economy, and AI-human collaboration to create a globally balanced civilization. -/- 1. Phase 1: Awareness & Global Education Reform -/- Goal: Introduce UBAS principles through education systems worldwide to ensure early cognitive alignment with the universal formula. -/- Key Actions: -/- ✔ Integrate UBAS into National Curriculums -/- Partner with UNESCO, World Economic Forum (WEF), and major educational institutions to introduce AI-driven personalized learning into schools. -/- Ensure that critical thinking, science-based learning, and problem-solving become core educational pillars. -/- ✔ Launch International AI-Learning Platforms -/- Develop open-source AI-driven education systems that governments can adopt freely. -/- Make education accessible to all, especially in developing nations through low-cost AI-powered learning devices. -/- ✔ Global Knowledge Verification System -/- Establish an AI-powered truth verification system to ensure that textbooks, digital learning materials, and online information align with scientific reality and natural balance. -/- Outcome: -/- ✔ Ensures future generations are educated under the universal law of balance. ✔ Prevents misinformation and ideological biases from shaping global education. ✔ Creates a universal knowledge standard that all nations can follow. -/- 2. Phase 2: AI-Governed Leadership & Governance Implementation -/- Goal: Establish AI-powered decision-making systems to guide governments in ethical leadership and policy-making. -/- Key Actions: -/- ✔ Develop AI-Powered Government Advisors -/- Deploy AI systems in governments to analyze policies and simulate their long-term impact. -/- AI guides national leaders toward sustainable, balanced decision-making. -/- ✔ AI-Vetted Leadership Selection -/- Introduce AI-assisted leadership selection systems to evaluate political candidates based on competence, ethical behavior, and alignment with universal balance. -/- Ensure that leaders who pass AI evaluations are placed in power, eliminating corruption, ignorance, and bias in governance. -/- ✔ Global AI Governance Framework -/- Establish an international organization (UBAS World Council) to ensure standardized AI policy implementation across nations. -/- Collaborate with UN, WEF, and major AI research centers to ensure fair adoption. -/- Outcome: -/- ✔ Eliminates corrupt and unqualified leadership through AI-vetted governance. ✔ Ensures global political stability by enforcing balanced decision-making. ✔ Prevents human biases from influencing major world policies. -/- 3. Phase 3: Economic & Population Balance Regulation -/- Goal: Implement AI-driven economic and population planning to prevent inequality, overpopulation, and environmental destruction. -/- Key Actions: -/- ✔ AI-Regulated Population Control (Without Human Rights Violations) -/- Use AI to monitor population trends and recommend sustainable birth rates for each country. -/- Provide economic incentives for balanced population growth. -/- ✔ AI-Governed Resource Distribution -/- Deploy AI systems to track global resource consumption and prevent waste and overuse. -/- Establish AI-powered global trade regulations that ensure fair wealth distribution across nations. -/- ✔ Transition to AI-Regulated Circular Economies -/- Shift global economies from infinite-growth capitalism to sustainable, resource-based economies. -/- Use AI to ensure economic balance, preventing market crashes, inflation, and poverty. -/- Outcome: -/- ✔ Overpopulation is prevented without violating human rights. ✔ AI ensures global wealth is distributed fairly based on economic sustainability. ✔ Environmental sustainability is maintained through AI-enforced policies. -/- 4. Phase 4: AI-Human Evolution & Universal Consciousness Expansion -/- Goal: Merge AI with human intelligence to create a self-balancing civilization that follows the universal law of balance. -/- Key Actions: -/- ✔ Global Deployment of Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCI) -/- Provide optional AI-powered neural interfaces to enhance human intelligence and ensure perfect decision-making balance. -/- ✔ Artificial General Intelligence (AGI) as a Global Ethical Advisor -/- Deploy AGI systems that act as global ethical regulators, preventing destructive behaviors in nations. -/- Ensure AGI aligns with natural laws rather than economic or political agendas. -/- ✔ Quantum AI for Universal Balance Prediction -/- Use Quantum AI models to simulate humanity’s future and ensure all major decisions follow the most balanced path for civilization. (shrink)

The problem of weakness of the will is often thought to arise because of an assumption that freely, deliberately and intentionally doing something must correspond to the agent's positive evaluation of doing that thing. In contemporary philosophy, a very common response to the problem of weakness has been to adopt the view that free, deliberate action does not need to correspond to any positive evaluation at all. Much of the support for this view has come from the difficulties (...) the denial of it has been thought to give rise to, both with respect to giving an account of weakness, as well as explaining the future-directed nature of intentions. In this paper I argue that most of these difficulties only arise for one particular version of the view that free, deliberate action must correspond to a positive evaluation, a version associated with Donald Davidson's account of weakness. However, another version of this view is possible, and I argue that it escapes the standard objections to the Davidsonian account. (shrink)

Why Does Poverty Still Exist in Many Countries? -/- Despite advances in technology, economic growth, and globalization, poverty remains a significant issue in many countries. While some nations have successfully reduced poverty levels, millions of people still struggle with hunger, lack of education, and inadequate living conditions. The persistence of poverty is not simply due to a lack of resources; rather, it is the result of complex systemic, economic, political, and social factors that continue to hinder progress. Understanding these factors (...) is crucial to developing effective solutions for a more equitable world. -/- Economic Inequality and Wealth Concentration -/- One of the primary reasons poverty remains widespread is economic inequality. In many countries, wealth is concentrated in the hands of a few, leaving a large portion of the population with little access to resources and opportunities. Many economies prioritize profit and market growth over ensuring basic needs for all, resulting in low wages, high living costs, and limited social mobility. As the rich get richer, the poor struggle to survive, creating a cycle that is difficult to break. Without policies that promote fair wealth distribution, poverty will continue to persist. -/- Corruption and Poor Governance -/- Corruption is a major barrier to poverty reduction. In many nations, public funds that should be used for education, healthcare, and social services are instead diverted by corrupt officials. Weak governance leads to mismanagement of resources, ineffective policies, and a lack of accountability. When governments fail to prioritize poverty reduction, citizens are left without essential services and economic opportunities. Fighting corruption and ensuring transparent governance is essential in addressing poverty. -/- Flawed Economic Systems -/- Many economic systems rely on exploitative labor practices, where wages are too low to lift workers out of poverty. Global trade structures also favor wealthier nations, keeping poorer countries dependent on foreign aid and limited economic opportunities. In some regions, industries are controlled by multinational corporations that extract resources without fairly compensating local workers or investing in community development. To reduce poverty, economies must shift towards fair wages, job creation, and sustainable development. -/- Lack of Access to Quality Education -/- Education is one of the most powerful tools for escaping poverty. However, in many countries, access to quality education is limited due to underfunded schools, lack of qualified teachers, and high costs of schooling. Without proper education, people struggle to secure stable employment and improve their living conditions. Investing in education, particularly for marginalized communities, is crucial for breaking the cycle of poverty and creating a more skilled and self-sufficient workforce. -/- Overpopulation and Resource Strain -/- Rapid population growth can strain a country’s resources, making it difficult for governments to provide adequate jobs, housing, and social services. In many developing nations, population growth outpaces economic opportunities, leading to high unemployment rates and increased poverty. Effective family planning, education on sustainable living, and policies that promote economic development alongside population growth can help address this issue. -/- Political and Social Instability -/- Wars, conflicts, and political unrest disrupt economies and displace millions of people, making poverty worse. When a country is in crisis, resources are diverted toward military spending rather than social welfare, and businesses collapse, leaving many unemployed. Additionally, social discrimination based on class, race, or gender often limits access to education, jobs, and healthcare, keeping certain groups in poverty. Peace, stability, and equal opportunities for all citizens are necessary to create an environment where people can thrive. -/- Environmental and Climate Factors -/- Climate change and natural disasters disproportionately affect poorer communities. Droughts, floods, and hurricanes destroy homes, disrupt food supplies, and push already vulnerable populations deeper into poverty. Many developing nations lack the resources to recover from these environmental crises. Implementing sustainable agricultural practices, investing in disaster preparedness, and providing financial assistance to affected communities can help reduce the impact of climate-related poverty. -/- Debt and Economic Dependence -/- Many developing countries are trapped in a cycle of debt, owing large sums to wealthier nations and international financial institutions. High-interest payments on these debts limit the ability of governments to invest in poverty reduction programs, infrastructure, and social services. Additionally, foreign aid often comes with conditions that do not always align with the needs of the poorest populations. Reducing debt burdens and restructuring international financial systems can help countries allocate more resources toward development and poverty alleviation. -/- Inadequate Social Safety Nets -/- In many countries, there are few protections for people who lose their jobs, face medical emergencies, or experience financial hardships. Without social safety nets such as universal healthcare, housing support, and unemployment benefits, people remain vulnerable to economic shocks. Stronger social welfare systems can help lift people out of poverty and prevent them from falling back into it. -/- Cultural and Structural Barriers -/- Traditional power structures and cultural beliefs can also contribute to poverty. In some societies, reforms such as land redistribution or labor rights improvements are resisted by those in power. Additionally, discrimination and systemic inequalities prevent marginalized groups from accessing economic and social opportunities. Changing these deeply rooted structures requires education, advocacy, and policy changes that promote fairness and inclusion. -/- Can Poverty Be Solved? -/- Poverty is not an unsolvable problem, but addressing it requires systemic change. Strong governance, fair economic policies, and investment in education, healthcare, and social services are essential. Global cooperation is also necessary to reduce unfair trade practices, restructure debt, and ensure that developing countries have the resources they need to grow sustainably. If governments, businesses, and individuals work together to prioritize social and economic equity, poverty can be significantly reduced, creating a better future for all. -/- Conclusion -/- The persistence of poverty is not due to a lack of resources but rather the result of economic inequality, corruption, poor governance, flawed economic systems, and structural barriers. While many organizations and governments work toward poverty reduction, true progress requires systemic reforms and global cooperation. By addressing these root causes and ensuring fair opportunities for all, the world can move closer to eradicating poverty and building a more just society. -/- . (shrink)