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  1. Infant Political Agency: Redrawing the Epistemic Boundaries of Democratic Inclusion.Andre Santos Campos - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    Epistemic impairment has been the decisive yardstick when excluding infants from political agency. One of the suggestions to bypass the epistemic requirement of political agency and to encourage th...
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  • A Welfarist Critique of Social Choice Theory: Interpersonal Comparisons in the Theory of Voting.Aki Lehtinen - 2015 - Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics 8 (2):34.
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  • Hopeful Losers? A Moral Case for Mixed Electoral Systems.Loren King - 2015 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 10 (2):107-121.
    Liberal democracies encourage citizen participation and protect our freedoms, yet these regimes elect politicians and decide important issues with electoral and legislative systems that are less inclusive than other arrangements. Some citizens inevitably have more influence than others. Is this a problem? Yes, because similarly just but more inclusive systems are possible. Political theorists and philosophers should be arguing for particular institutional forms, with particular geographies, consistent with justice. -/- Les démocraties libérales encouragent la participation citoyenne et protègent nos libertés. (...)
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  • The Human Right to Democracy and the Pursuit of Global Justice.Pablo Gilabert - forthcoming - In Thom Brooks (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Global Justice. Oxford University Press.
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  • Democracy and the Common Good: A Study of the Weighted Majority Rule.Katharina Berndt Rasmussen - 2013 - Dissertation, Stockholm University
    In this study I analyse the performance of a democratic decision-making rule: the weighted majority rule. It assigns to each voter a number of votes that is proportional to her stakes in the decision. It has been shown that, for collective decisions with two options, the weighted majority rule in combination with self-interested voters maximises the common good when the latter is understood in terms of either the sum-total or prioritarian sum of the voters’ well-being. The main result of my (...)
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  • Membership Ballots and the Value of Intra-Party Democracy.Fabio Wolkenstein - 2018 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 21 (4):433-455.
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  • Liberalism, Altruism and Group Consent.Kalle Grill - 2009 - Public Health Ethics 2 (2):146-157.
    This article first describes a dilemma for liberalism: On the one hand restricting their own options is an important means for groups of people to shape their lives. On the other hand, group members are typically divided over whether or not to accept option-restricting solutions or policies. Should we restrict the options of all members of a group even though some consent and some do not? This dilemma is particularly relevant to public health policy, which typically target groups of people (...)
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  • Defining the Demos.Ben Saunders - 2012 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 11 (3):280-301.
    Until relatively recently, few democrats had much to say about the constitution of the ‘demos' that ought to rule. A number of recent writers have, however, argued that all those whose interests are affected must be enfranchised if decision-making is to be fully democratic. This article criticizes this approach, arguing that it misunderstands democracy. Democratic procedures are about the agency of the people so only agents can be enfranchised, yet not all bearers of interests are also agents. If we focus (...)
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  • Political Testimony.Han van Wietmarschen - 2018 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 18 (1):23-45.
    I argue that reliance on political testimony conflicts with two democratic values: the value of mutual justifiability and the value of equality of opportunity for political influence. Reliance on political testimony is characterized by a reliance on the assertions of others directly on a political question the citizen is asked to answer as part of a formal democratic decision procedure. Reliance on expert testimony generally, even in the context of political decision-making, does not similarly conflict with democratic values. As a (...)
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  • Introduction: Legitimate Authority, War, and the Ethics of Rebellion.Christopher J. Finlay, Jonathan Parry & Pål Wrange - 2017 - Ethics and International Affairs 31 (2):167-168.
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  • XIV—The Truth in Political Instrumentalism.Daniel Viehoff - 2017 - Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 117 (3):273-295.
    How can one person’s having political power over another be justified? This essay explores the idea that such justifications must be in an important sense derivative, and that this ‘Derivative Justification Constraint’ bars certain justifications widely endorsed in political and philosophical debates. After critically discussing the most prominent extant articulations of the Constraint (associated with a view often called ‘political instrumentalism’), the essay offers a novel account of what precisely the Constraint bars (in short: justification by appeal to non-derivative goods (...)
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  • Aggregating Causal Judgments.Richard Bradley, Franz Dietrich & Christian List - 2014 - Philosophy of Science 81 (4):491-515.
    Decision-making typically requires judgments about causal relations: we need to know the causal effects of our actions and the causal relevance of various environmental factors. We investigate how several individuals' causal judgments can be aggregated into collective causal judgments. First, we consider the aggregation of causal judgments via the aggregation of probabilistic judgments, and identify the limitations of this approach. We then explore the possibility of aggregating causal judgments independently of probabilistic ones. Formally, we introduce the problem of causal-network aggregation. (...)
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  • Interactive Justice, the Boundary Problem, and Proportionality.Laura Valentini - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (4):466-472.
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  • Against a Minimum Voting Age.Philip Cook - 2013 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (3):439-458.
    A minimum voting age is defended as the most effective and least disrespectful means of ensuring all members of an electorate are sufficiently competent to vote. Whilst it may be reasonable to require competency from voters, a minimum voting age should be rejected because its view of competence is unreasonably controversial, it is incapable of defining a clear threshold of sufficiency and an alternative test is available which treats children more respectfully. This alternative is a procedural test for minimum electoral (...)
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  • Les générations, le fleuve et l’océan.Axel Gosseries - 2015 - Philosophiques 42 (1):153-176.
    Axel Gosseries1 | : À la suggestion de Jefferson,3 nous nous proposons de prendre au sérieux la comparaison entre nations et générations dans le cadre d’une théorie philosophique de la justice et de la démocratie préoccupée par nos devoirs envers les membres d’autres générations. Nous nous concentrons ici sur trois des caractéristiques propres aux relations intergénérationnelles, à travers une comparaison avec des situations internationales spécifiques. La première a trait à l’immobilité temporelle des personnes au delà de la période s’étendant de (...)
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  • The Intergenerational Case for Constitutional Rigidity.Axel Gosseries - 2014 - Ratio Juris 27 (4):528-539.
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  • Are Adjunct Faculty Exploited: Some Grounds for Skepticism.Jason Brennan & Phillip Magness - 2018 - Journal of Business Ethics 152 (1):53-71.
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  • The Legitimacy of the Supranational Regulation of Local Systems of Food Production: A Discussion Whose Time Has Come.Emanuela Ceva, Chiara Testino & Federico Zuolo - 2015 - Journal of Social Philosophy 46 (4):418-433.
    By reference to the illustrative case of the supranational regulation of local systems of food production, we aim to show the importance of identifying issues of international legitimacy as a discrete component – alongside issues of global distributive justice – of the liberal project of public justification of supranational collective decisions. Therefore, we offer the diagnosis of a problem but do not prescribe the therapy to cure it.
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  • Should Corporations Have the Right to Vote? A Paradox in the Theory of Corporate Moral Agency.John Hasnas - 2018 - Journal of Business Ethics 150 (3):657-670.
    In his 2007 Ethics article, “Responsibility Incorporated,” Philip Pettit argued that corporations qualify as morally responsible agents because they possess autonomy, normative judgment, and the capacity for self-control. Although there is ongoing debate over whether corporations have these capacities, both proponents and opponents of corporate moral agency appear to agree that Pettit correctly identified the requirements for moral agency. In this article, I do not take issue with either the claim that autonomy, normative judgment, and self-control are the requirements for (...)
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  • Workplace Democracy, Market Competition and Republican Self-Respect.Daniel Jacob & Christian Neuhäuser - 2018 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 21 (4):927-944.
    Is it a requirement of justice to democratize private companies? This question has received renewed attention in the wake of the financial crisis, as part of a larger debate about the role of companies in society. In this article, we discuss three principled arguments for workplace democracy and show that these arguments fail to establish that all workplaces ought to be democratized. We do, however, argue that republican-minded workers must have a fair opportunity to work in a democratic company. Under (...)
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  • Republicanism, Deliberative Democracy, and Equality of Access and Deliberation.Donald Bello Hutt - 2018 - Theoria 84 (1):83-111.
    The article elaborates an original intertwined reading of republican theory, deliberative democracy and political equality. It argues that republicans, deliberative democrats and egalitarian scholars have not paid sufficient attention to a number of features present in these bodies of scholarships that relate them in mutually beneficial ways. It shows that republicanism and deliberative democracy are related in mutually beneficial ways, it makes those relations explicit, and it deals with potential objections against them. Additionally, it elaborates an egalitarian principle underpinning the (...)
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  • Majority Rule.Stéphanie Novak - 2014 - Philosophy Compass 9 (10):681-688.
    This article provides a survey of existing studies of majority rule, outlines misconceptions of majority rule, and highlights underexplored fields of research. It argues that the reasons why the minority complies with majority decisions have been underexplored.
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