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  1. On Setting Priorities among Human Rights.Jos Philips - 2014 - Human Rights Review 15 (3):239-257.
    Should conflicts among human rights be dealt with by including general principles for priority setting at some prominent place in the practice of human rights? This essay argues that neither setting prominent and principled priorities nor a case-by-case approach are likely to be defensible as general solutions. The main reasons concern how best to realize all human rights for all. Conflicts among human rights are more defensibly addressed by checking whether the conflict has been correctly diagnosed: Do human rights as (...)
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  • Cosmopolitisme et particularisme.Jocelyne Couture & Kai Nielsen - 2007 - Philosophiques 34 (1):3.
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  • La justice et les associations.Darrel Moellendorf - 2007 - Philosophiques 34 (1):61-75.
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  • The Boundary of Justice and The Justice of Boundaries.Kok-Chor Tan - 2006 - Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence 29 (2):319-344.
    Two classes of arguments are often deployed by the anti-global egalitarians against attempts to universalize the demands of distributive equality. One are arguments attempting to show that global egalitarians have misconstrued the reasons for why equality matters domestically, and hence have wrongly extended these reasons to the global arena. These arguments hold that the boundary of distributive justice is effectively coextensive with the boundaries of state. The other are arguments that attempt to show that membership in political societies generates special (...)
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  • Creating cosmopolitans.Patti Tamara Lenard - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (5):613-630.
    Cosmopolitan principles of justice tell us that it is the responsibility of the wealthy to ensure the immediate transfer of resources to the poor. Yet, it cannot be denied that most countries, and most individual citizens, seem unwilling to act as these principles demand. At issue is motivation: although many people would agree that cosmopolitan principles of justice are right, at least to some extent, few seem motivationally inspired to act upon them. This paper evaluates one set of proposals for (...)
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  • A non-cosmopolitan case for sovereign debt relief.Julia Maskivker - 2010 - Journal of Global Ethics 6 (1):57-70.
    This article develops the argument that non-cosmopolitan considerations of justice justify relief of sovereign debt for highly indebted poor states. In particular, the article claims that considerations of national determination warrant some debt-forgiveness in the backdrop of unfair terms of global interaction. In a context of inequality, poor countries cannot generally afford to disregard the costs of ignoring the interests of the wealthiest states. Patterns of unbalanced interaction undermine national self-determination by limiting the poor countries' effective capacity to choose between (...)
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  • Equality of opportunity.Richard Arneson - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  • Justice, borders and the cosmopolitan ideal: A reply to two critics.Simon Caney - 2007 - Journal of Global Ethics 3 (2):269 – 276.
    (2007). Justice, Borders and the Cosmopolitan Ideal: A Reply to Two Critics. Journal of Global Ethics: Vol. 3, No. 2, pp. 269-276. doi: 10.1080/17449620701456178.
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  • Comentarios sobre la concepcion de la justicia global de Pogge.Pablo Gilabert - 2007 - Revista Latinoamericana de Filosofia 33 (2):205-222.
    This paper presents a reconstruction of and some constructive comments on Thomas Pogge’s conception of global justice. Using Imre Lakatos’s notion of a research program, the paper identifies Pogge’s “hard core” and “protective belt” claims regarding the scope of fundamental principles of justice, the object and structure of duties of global justice, the explanation of world poverty, and the appropriate reforms to the existing global order. The paper recommends some amendments to Pogge’s program in each of the four areas.
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  • Immigration, Naturalization, and the Purpose of Citizenship.Daniel Sharp - 2022 - Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 104 (2):408-441.
    It is widely believed that immigrants, after some time, acquire a claim to naturalize and become citizens of their new state. What explains this claim? Although existing answers (may) succeed in justifying some of immigrants' rights claims, they cannot justify the claim that immigrants are owed the opportunity to naturalize because these theories lack a sufficiently rich account of the purpose of citizenship. To fill this gap, I offer a novel egalitarian account of citizenship. Citizenship, on this account, partially protects (...)
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  • Justice, Charity, and Disaster Relief: What, if Anything, Is Owed to Haiti, Japan and New Zealand?Laura Valentini - 2013 - American Journal of Political Science 57 (2):491-503.
    Whenever fellow humans suffer due to natural catastrophes, we have a duty to help them. This duty is not only acknowledged in moral theory, but also expressed in ordinary people’s reactions to phenomena such as tsunamis, hurricanes, and earthquakes. Despite being widely acknowledged, this duty is also widely disputed: some believe it is a matter of justice, others a matter of charity. Although central to debates in international political theory, the distinction between justice and charity is hardly ever systematically drawn. (...)
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  • (1 other version)Towards a Transcultural Concept of Justice Based on Self-respect.Christian Neuhäuser - 2019 - Yearbook for Eastern and Western Philosophy 2019 (4):261-276.
    The idea of global justice faces a serious challenge. We live in one global society and many regional and local societies at the same time. The existing plurality of institutional as well as cultural levels of social connection leads to this general question: what is the right site for addressing different questions of justice? Some philosophers argue that the paramount place for thinking about justice is the global level, but other philosophers claim that questions of justice presuppose a certain institutional (...)
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  • The Right to Survival and Global Justice.Ángel Puyol - 2011 - Ideas Y Valores 60 (147):177–208.
    Extreme poverty and tremendous inequality are an evil of our times, but do they constitute injustice? The article discusses different types of global moral obligations and criticizes those that 1) reject obligations of justice in a global context, 2)systematically prioritize special obligations, and 3) reduce the main obligations ofglobal justice to negative duties. Without necessarily defending global egalitarianism, it is possible to justify the redistribution of wealth in the world on the basis of a wide interpretation of the duty to (...)
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  • Finding its Way between Realism and Utopia: Global Justice in Theory and Practice: Brock, Gillian. 2009. Global Justice: A Cosmopolitan Account. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 288 pp. Brock, Gillian, and Moellendorf, Darrel . 2005. Current Debates in Global Justice. Dordrecht: Springer, 305 pp.Lea Ypi - 2011 - Res Publica 17 (2):193-202.
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  • Luck, Institutions, and Global Distributive Justice.Kok-Chor Tan - 2011 - European Journal of Political Theory 10 (3):394-421.
    Luck egalitarianism provides one powerful way of defending global egalitarianism. The basic luck egalitarian idea that persons ought not to be disadvantaged compared to others on account of his or her bad luck seems to extend naturally to the global arena, where random factors such as persons’ place of birth and the natural distribution of the world’s resources do affect differentially their life chances. Yet luck egalitarianism as an ideal, as well as its global application, has come under severe criticisms (...)
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  • (1 other version)Global Justice and the Priority of Basic Goods to Basic Freedoms: Reflexions on Amartya Sen’s Development and Freedom.Mario Solís Umaña - 2012 - Revista de Filosofía (Madrid) 37 (1).
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  • Relational Equality and Immigration.Daniel Sharp - 2022 - Ethics 132 (3):644-679.
    Egalitarians often claim that well-off states’ immigration restrictions create or reinforce objectionable inequality. Standard defenses of this claim appeal to the distributive consequences of exclusion. This article offers a relational egalitarian defense of more open borders. On this view, well-off states’ immigration restrictions are problematic because they accord the citizens of well-off states a troubling form of asymmetric power over the disadvantaged. This creates an objectionably unequal relationship between affluent states’ citizens and disadvantaged immigrants. I show that this argument offers (...)
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  • Fairness in international economic cooperation: moving beyond Rawls’s duty of assistance.Sylvie Loriaux - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (1):19-39.
    In this paper, I will argue that Rawls’s duty of assistance offers an incomplete picture of our international social and economic responsibilities. I will start by presenting the two main interpretations of the ‘Rawlsian circumstances of egalitarian distributive justice’ – the first requiring the existence of a ‘certain kind’ of cooperation, the second the existence of a ‘certain kind’ of interaction with the will – and then show that none of them rules out the applicability of international principles of egalitarian (...)
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  • No Justice Without Democracy: A Deliberative Approach to the Global Distribution of Wealth.Stefan Rummens - 2009 - International Journal of Philosophical Studies 17 (5):657-680.
    The debate about global distributive justice is characterized by an often stark opposition between universalistic approaches, advocating an egalitarian global redistribution of wealth (Beitz, Pogge, Barry, Tan), and particularistic positions, aiming to justify a restriction of redistribution to the domestic community (D. Miller, R. Miller, Blake, Nagel, Rawls). I argue that an approach starting from the deliberative model of democracy (Habermas) can overcome this opposition. On the one hand, the increasingly global scope of economic interactions implies that the range of (...)
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  • National responsibility, global justice and exploitation: a preliminary analysis.John Pearson - 2011 - Journal of Global Ethics 7 (3):321-335.
    This article addresses the problem of filling in a missing component of David Miller's non-cosmopolitan theory of global justice, as elaborated in his recent National responsibility and global justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007). Miller originally included non-exploitation as one of the norms of global justice, but he does not provide a theory of exploitation in his recent book. This article is a preliminary attempt to suggest how Miller might fill in this gap. This article identifies the problems Miller faces (...)
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  • (1 other version)Towards a Transcultural Concept of Justice Based on Self-respect.Christian Neuhäuser - 2020 - Yearbook for Eastern and Western Philosophy 4 (1):261-276.
    The idea of global justice faces a serious challenge. We live in one global society and many regional and local societies at the same time. The existing plurality of institutional as well as cultural levels of social connection leads to this general question: what is the right site for addressing different questions of justice? Some philosophers argue that the paramount place for thinking about justice is the global level, but other philosophers claim that questions of justice presuppose a certain institutional (...)
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  • (1 other version)The Volcanic Asymmetry or the Question of Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Disasters†.Alejandra Mancilla - 2014 - Journal of Political Philosophy 23 (2):192-212.
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  • (1 other version)The Volcanic Asymmetry or the Question of Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Disasters.Alejandra Mancilla - 2015 - Journal of Political Philosophy 23 (1):192-212.
    Why do we assign to countries rights to all the positive utilities from their natural resources, but hold them under no duty to bear costs for the negative utilities generated by those resources for those beyond their borders? In this paper I suggest that this ‘volcanic asymmetry’ has been overlooked by statist and cosmopolitan theories and that, despite of the arguments that might be given on its behalf, keeping this asymmetry requires further normative justification. I present two ways of getting (...)
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  • Justice as Fairness and Reciprocity.Andrew Lister - 2011 - Analyze and Kritik 33 (1):93-112.
    This paper tries to reconcile reciprocity with a fundamentally 'subject-centred' ethic by interpreting the reciprocity condition as a consequence of the fact that justice is in part a relational value. Duties of egalitarian distributive justice are not grounded on the duty to reciprocate benefits already received, but limited by a reasonable assurance of compliance on the part of those able to reciprocate, because their point is to constitute a valuable relationship, one of mutual recognition as equals. We have unconditional duty (...)
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  • Social Egalitarianism and the Private Sponsorship of Refugees.Desiree Lim - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (3):301-321.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  • David Miller on immigration policy and nationality.Sune Lægaard - 2007 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 24 (3):283–298.
    abstract David Miller's recent statement of the case for restrictive immigration policies can plausibly be construed as an application of a ‘liberal nationalist’ position. The paper first addresses Miller's critique of distributive justice arguments for open borders, which relies on nationality as determinative of the scope of distributive justice and as giving rise to national collective responsibility. Three interpretations of his main positive reason for restricting immigration, which concerns the importance of a shared public culture, are then discussed: culture as (...)
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  • Temporary labour migration, global redistribution, and democratic justice.Patti Tamara Lenard & Christine Straehle - 2012 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 11 (2):206-230.
    Calls to expand temporary work programmes come from two directions. First, as global justice advocates observe, every year thousands of poor migrants cross borders in search of better opportunities, often in the form of improved employment opportunities. As a result, international organizations now lobby in favour of expanding ‘guest-work’ opportunities, that is, opportunities for citizens of poorer countries to migrate temporarily to wealthier countries to fill labour shortages. Second, temporary work programmes permit domestic governments to respond to two internal, contradictory (...)
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  • Human rights and equality in the work of David Miller.Leif Wenar - 2008 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (4):401-411.
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  • Boundary making and equal concern.Kok-Chor Tan - 2005 - Metaphilosophy 36 (1‐2):50-67.
    Liberal nationalism is a boundary‐making project, and a feature of this boundary‐making enterprise is the belief that the compatriots have a certain priority over strangers. For this reason it is often thought that liberal nationalism cannot be compatible with the demands of global egalitarianism. In this essay, I examine the sense in which liberal nationalism privileges compatriots, and I argue that, properly understood, the idea of partiality for compatriots in the context of liberal nationalism is not at odds with global (...)
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  • Why Global Inequality Matters: Derivative Global Egalitarianism.Ayse Kaya & Andrej Keba - 2011 - Journal of International Political Theory 7 (2):140-164.
    This article integrates empirical and normative discussions about why global economic inequalities matter in critically examining an approach known as derivative global egalitarianism (DGE). DGE is a burgeoning perspective that opposes excessive global economic inequality not based on the intrinsic value of equality but inequality's negative repercussions on other values. The article aims to advance the research agenda by identifying and critically evaluating four primary varieties of DGE arguments from related but distinct literatures, which span a number of disciplines, including (...)
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  • International Trade, Fairness, and Labour Migration.Alexia Herwig & Sylvie Loriaux - 2014 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 1 (2):289-313.
    This paper aims to show that fairness in trade calls for relaxing existing WTO rules to include a greater liberalisation of labour migration. After having addressed several objections to global egalitarianism, it will argue, first, that the world’s rich and the world’s poor participate in a same multilateral trading system whose point is primarily to reduce trade barriers, and hence to establish global economic competitions, in order to raise their standards of living; second, that these competitions are subject to requirements (...)
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  • The resource curse and duties to immigrants.Tamara Crnko & Nebojša Zelič - 2021 - Ethics and Global Politics 14 (4).
    This paper brings together the discussions on international resource trade and immigration. Following Wenar’s analysis of the resource curse, the aim is to challenge the conventional view on immigration that asserts the right of states to have discretionary control over these policies. The paper shows that more liberal immigration is required as an additional remedial policy to persons harmed in unjust trade. The right to self-determination and territorial rights, which are used as the basis for the exclusion of immigrants, are (...)
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  • Caney's global political theory.Gillian Brock - 2007 - Journal of Global Ethics 3 (2):239 – 254.
    In this critical discussion of Simon Caney's global political theory, I focus on two broad areas. In the first area, I consider Caney's suggestions concerning global equality of opportunity and note several problems with how we might develop these ideas. Some of the problems concern aggregation, while others point to difficulties with what equality of opportunity means in a culturally plural world, where different societies might value, construct, and rank goods in different ways. In the second broad area of criticism (...)
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  • Are There Any Global Egalitarian Rights?Alexander Brown - 2008 - Human Rights Review 9 (4):435-464.
    This article considers whether or not there are any global egalitarian rights through a critical examination of the political philosophy of Ronald Dworkin. Although Dworkin maintains that equal concern is the special and indispensable virtue of sovereigns and the hallmark of a fraternal political community, it is far from obvious whether the demands of equality stop at state borders. While some scholars in the field—most notably Thomas Pogge—posit the existence of negative rights in relation to social and economic inequalities at (...)
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  • Global egalitarianism.Chris Armstrong - 2008 - Philosophy Compass 4 (1):155-171.
    To whom is egalitarian justice owed? Our fellow citizens, or all of humankind? If the latter, what form might a global brand of egalitarianism take? This paper examines some recent debates about the justification, and content, of global egalitarian justice. It provides an account of some keenly argued controversies about the scope of egalitarian justice, between those who would restrict it to the level of the state and those who would extend it more widely. It also notes the cross-cutting distinction (...)
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  • Global Bioethics and Political Theory.Joseph Millum - 2012 - In J. Millum & E. J. Millum (eds.), Global Justice and bioethics. Oxford University Press. pp. 17-42.
    Most bioethicists who address questions to which global justice matters have not considered the significance of the disputes over the correct theory of global justice. Consequently, the significance of the differences between theories of global justice for bioethics has been obscured. In this paper, I consider when and how these differences are important. I argue that certain bioethical problems can be resolved without addressing disagreements about global justice. People with very different views about global justice can converge on the existence (...)
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  • International Luck Egalitarianism: A Legislative Approach.Gabriel Rogasner - unknown
    If morally arbitrary features should have no impact on the distribution of wealth, then the vast inequality and the disparity in life prospects between countries is a moral catastrophe; birthplace is completely based on luck, and yet has an enormous impact on life prospects. I contend that those in affluent countries, who have benefited from the luck of birthplace, ought to work towards a more egalitarian world, in which luck plays as little a role in life prospects as possible.
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  • What Second-Best Scenarios Reveal about Ideals of Global Justice.Christian Barry & David Wiens - 2020 - In Thom Brooks (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Global Justice. Oxford, United Kingdom: Oxford University Press.
    While there need be no conflict in theory between addressing global inequality (inequalities between people worldwide) and addressing domestic inequality (inequalities between people within a political community), there may be instances in which the feasible mechanism for reducing global inequality risks aggravating domestic inequality. The burgeoning literature on global justice has tended to overlook this type of scenario, and theorists espousing global egalitarianism have consequently not engaged with cases that are important for evaluating and clarifying the content of their theories. (...)
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  • Freedom, recognition and non-domination: a republican theory of (global) justice.Fabian Schuppert (ed.) - 2013 - New York: Springer.
    This book offers an original account of a distinctly republican theory of social and global justice. The book starts by exploring the nature and value of Hegelian recognition theory. It shows the importance of that theory for grounding a normative account of free and autonomous agency. It is this normative account of free agency which provides the groundwork for a republican conception of social and global justice, based on the core-ideas of freedom as non-domination and autonomy as non-alienation. As the (...)
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  • (1 other version)La interrelacción entre democracia y responsabilidad. La crisis griega como caso paradigmático para la UE.Wolf-Jürgen Cramm - 2016 - Las Torres de Lucca: Revista Internacional de Filosofía Política 5 (8):9-40.
    One of the main lessons to be learned from the Greek crisis is that large scale supranational communitarisation is a danger for democracy if mutual obligations between members undermine substantially the possibilities of political choice for the single member states. I argue that a well-balanced relation between responsibility, solidarity, performance incentives and democracy involves taking subsidiarity serious, as well as to admit a certain amount of institutional flexibility. This flexibility is demanded especially in the case of large scale communities which (...)
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  • Approaching Global Justice through Human Rights: Elements of Theory and Practice.Carol C. Gould - 2005 - The Journal of Ethics 9:55-79.
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