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  1. The State Made Me Do It: How Anti-cosmopolitanism is Created by the St ate.David V. Axelsen - 2013 - Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (4):451-472.
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  • The duty to bring children living in conflict zones to a safe haven.Gottfried Schweiger - 2016 - Journal of Global Ethics 12 (3):380-397.
    In this paper, I will discuss a children’s rights-based argument for the duty of states, as a joint effort, to establish an effective program to help bring children out of conflict zones, such as parts of Syria, and to a safe haven. Children are among the most vulnerable subjects in violent conflicts who suffer greatly and have their human rights brutally violated as a consequence. Furthermore, children are also a group whose capacities to protect themselves are very limited, while their (...)
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  • Equality, Fairness, and Responsibility in an Unequal World.Thom Brooks - 2014 - Symposion: Theoretical and Applied Inquiries in Philosophy and Social Sciences 1 (2):147-153.
    Severe poverty is a major global problem about risk and inequality. What, if any, is the relationship between equality, fairness and responsibility in an unequal world? I argue for four conclusions. The first is the moral urgency of severe poverty. We have too many global neighbours that exist in a state of emergency and whose suffering is intolerable. The second is that severe poverty is a problem concerning global injustice that is relevant, but not restricted, to questions about responsibility. If (...)
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  • Normative behaviourism and global political principles.Jonathan Floyd - 2016 - Journal of International Political Theory 12 (2):152-168.
    This article takes a new idea, ‘normative behaviourism’, and applies it to global political theory, in order to address at least one of the problems we might have in mind when accusing that subject of being too ‘unrealistic’. The core of this idea is that political principles can be justified, not just by patterns in our thinking, and in particular our intuitions and considered judgements, but also by patterns in our behaviour, and in particular acts of insurrection and crime. The (...)
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  • What Do the Various Principles of Justice Mean Within the Concept of Benefit Sharing?Bege Dauda, Yvonne Denier & Kris Dierickx - 2016 - Journal of Bioethical Inquiry 13 (2):281-293.
    The concept of benefit sharing pertains to the act of giving something in return to the participants, communities, and the country that have participated in global health research or bioprospecting activities. One of the key concerns of benefit sharing is the ethical justifications or reasons to support the practice of the concept in global health research and bioprospecting. This article evaluates one of such ethical justifications and its meaning to benefit sharing, namely justice. We conducted a systematic review to map (...)
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  • Justice in assistance: a critique of the ‘Singer Solution’.Gwilym David Blunt - 2015 - Journal of Global Ethics 11 (3):321-335.
    This article begins with an examination of Peter Singer's ‘solution’ to global poverty as a way to develop a theory of ‘justice in assistance.’ It argues that Singer's work, while compelling, does not seriously engage with the institutions necessary to relieve global poverty. In order to realise our obligations it is necessary to employ secondary agents, such as non-governmental organisations, that produce complex social relationships with the global poor. We should be concerned that the affluent and their secondary agents are (...)
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  • Can Transnational Feminist Solidarity Accommodate Nationalism? Reflections from the Case Study of Korean “Comfort Women”.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2016 - Hypatia 31 (1):41-57.
    This article aims to refute the “incompatibility thesis” that nationalism is incompatible with transnational feminist solidarity, as it fosters exclusionary practices, xenophobia, and racism among feminists with conflicting nationalist aspirations. I examine the plausibility of the incompatibility thesis by focusing on the controversy regarding just reparation for Second World War “comfort women,” which is still unresolved. The Korean Council at the center of this controversy, which advocates for the rights of Korean former comfort women, has been criticized for its strident (...)
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  • Methodological Nationalism, Migration and Political Theory.Alex Sager - 2016 - Political Studies 64 (1):xx-yy.
    The political theory of migration has largely occurred within a paradigm of methodological nationalism and this has led to the neglect of morally salient agents and causes. This article draws on research from the social sciences on the transnationalism, globalization and migration systems theory to show how methodological nationalist assumptions have affected the views of political theorists on membership, culture and distributive justice. In particular, it is contended that methodological nationalism has prevented political theorists of migration from addressing the roles (...)
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  • Justice and Beneficence.Pablo Gilabert - 2016 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 19 (5):508-533.
    What is a duty of justice? And how is it different from a duty of beneficence? We need a clear account of the contrast. Unfortunately, there is no consensus in the philosophical literature as to how to characterize it. Different articulations of it have been provided, but it is hard to identify a common core that is invariant across them. In this paper, I propose an account of how to understand duties of justice, explain how it contrasts with several proposals (...)
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  • Self-Determination, Immigration Restrictions, and the Problem of Compatriot Deportation.Javier Hidalgo - 2014 - Journal of International Political Theory 10 (3):261-282.
    Several political theorists argue that states have rights to self-determination and these rights justify immigration restrictions. Call this: the self-determination argument for immigration restrictions. In this article, I develop an objection to the self-determination argument. I argue that if it is morally permissible for states to restrict immigration because they have rights to self-determination, then it can also be morally permissible for states to deport and denationalize their own citizens. We can either accept that it is permissible for states to (...)
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  • May I Treat A Collective As A Mere Means.Bill Wringe - 2014 - American Philosophical Quarterly 51 (3):273-284.
    According to Kant, it is impermissible to treat humanity as a mere means. If we accept Kant's equation of humanity with rational agency, and are literalists about ascriptions of agency to collectives it appears to follow that we may not treat collectives as mere means. On most standard accounts of what it is to treat something as a means this conclusion seems highly implausible. I conclude that we are faced with a range of options. One would be to rethink the (...)
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  • Transnationalism and Cosmopolitanism: Towards Global Citizenship?Christien van den Anker - 2010 - Journal of International Political Theory 6 (1):73-94.
    The concept of transnationalism, despite a variety of earlier uses, has recently been used to describe the sociological phenomenon of cross-border migrants considering more than one place ‘home’. This can be in terms of identity and belonging, cultural expression, family and other social ties, visits, financial flows, organising working life in more than one nation-state or transnational political projects. In this paper I discuss the theory and practice of transnationalism to assess the practical, explanatory and normative strength of the concept. (...)
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  • Individuals as authors of human rights: not only addressees.Benjamin Gregg - 2010 - Theory and Society 39 (6):631-650.
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  • The Ethics of Immigration: Self‐Determination and the Right to Exclude.Sarah Fine - 2013 - Philosophy Compass 8 (3):254-268.
    Many of us take it for granted that states have a right to control the entry and settlement of non‐citizens in their territories, and hardly pause to consider or evaluate the moral justifications for immigration controls. For a long time, very few political philosophers showed a great deal of interest in the subject. However, it is now attracting much more attention in the discipline. This article aims to show that we most certainly should not take it for granted that states (...)
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  • Secession of the rich: A qualified defence.Frank Dietrich - 2014 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 13 (1):62-81.
    The secession of prosperous regions may negatively affect the redistributive scheme of an established state. As a consequence, the capacity of its welfare system to support the inhabitants of poorer regions may be significantly reduced. Some authors assert that affluent groups who opt for full political independence violate duties of solidarity. This objection to the secession of prosperous regions can be based on different views of distributive justice. Here, following a distinction that has been introduced by Allen Buchanan, ‘subject centred’ (...)
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  • Beyond Sectarianism? On David Miller’s Theory of Human Rights.Kieran Oberman - 2013 - Res Publica 19 (3):275-283.
    In his most recent book, National Responsibility and Global Justice, David Miller presents an account of human rights grounded on the idea of basic human needs. Miller argues that his account can overcome what he regards as a central problem for human rights theory: the need to provide a ‘non-sectarian’ justification for human rights, one that does not rely on reasons that people from non-liberal societies should find objectionable. The list of human rights that Miller’s account generates is, however, minimal (...)
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  • Why "We" Are Not Harming the Global Poor: A Critique of Pogge's Leap from State to Individual Responsibility.Uwe Steinhoff - 2012 - Public Reason 4 (1-2):119-138.
    Thomas Pogge claims "that, by shaping and enforcing the social conditions that foreseeably and avoidably cause the monumental suffering of global poverty, we are harming the global poor ... or, to put it more descriptively, we are active participants in the largest, though not the gravest, crime against humanity ever committed." In other words, he claims that by upholding certain international arrangements we are violating our strong negative duties not to harm, and not just some positive duties to help. I (...)
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  • (1 other version)Freedom, immigration, and adequate options.Javier S. Hidalgo - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (2):1-23.
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  • In Defence of Cosmopolitanism.Carl Knight - 2011 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 58 (129):19-34.
    David Miller has objected to the cosmopolitan argument that it is arbitrary and hence unfair to treat individuals differently on account of things for which they are not responsible. Such a view seems to require, implausibly, that individuals be treated identically even where (unchosen) needs differ. The objection is, however, inapplicable where the focus of cosmopolitan concern is arbitrary disadvantage rather than arbitrary treatment. This 'unfair disadvantage argument' supports a form of global luck egalitarianism. Miller also objects that cosmopolitanism is (...)
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  • In Defence of Global Egalitarianism.Carl Knight - 2012 - Journal of Global Ethics 8 (1):107-116.
    This essay argues that David Miller's criticisms of global egalitarianism do not undermine the view where it is stated in one of its stronger, luck egalitarian forms. The claim that global egalitarianism cannot specify a metric of justice which is broad enough to exclude spurious claims for redistribution, but precise enough to appropriately value different kinds of advantage, implicitly assumes that cultural understandings are the only legitimate way of identifying what counts as advantage. But that is an assumption always or (...)
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  • Grounding human rights.David Miller - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (4):407-427.
    This paper examines the idea of human rights, and how they should be justified. It begins by reviewing Peter Jones?s claim that the purpose of human rights is to allow people from different cultural backgrounds to live together as equals, and suggests that this by itself provides too slender a basis. Instead it proposes that human rights should be grounded on human needs. Three difficulties with this proposal are considered. The first is the problem of whether needs are sufficiently objective (...)
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  • Reconceptualizing human rights.Marcus Arvan - 2012 - Journal of Global Ethics 8 (1):91-105.
    This paper defends several highly revisionary theses about human rights. Section 1 shows that the phrase 'human rights' refers to two distinct types of moral claims. Sections 2 and 3 argue that several longstanding problems in human rights theory and practice can be solved if, and only if, the concept of a human right is replaced by two more exact concepts: (A) International human rights, which are moral claims sufficient to warrant coercive domestic and international social protection; and (B) Domestic (...)
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  • Coercion and Justice.Laura Valentini - 2011 - American Political Science Review 105 (1):205-220.
    In this article, I develop a new account of the liberal view that principles of justice are meant to justify state coercion, and consider its implications for the question of global socioeconomic justice. Although contemporary proponents of this view deny that principles of socioeconomic justice apply globally, on my newly developed account this conclusion is mistaken. I distinguish between two types of coercion, systemic and interactional, and argue that a plausible theory of global justice should contain principles justifying both. The (...)
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  • Is the beneficiary pays principle essential in climate justice?Clare Heyward - 2021 - Norsk Filosofisk Tidsskrift 56 (2-3):125-136.
    The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change principle of ‘common but differentiated responsibility’ admits many interpretations. In the philosophical literature on climate justice, it has typically been cashed out in terms of the following three principles: the ability to pay principle (APP), the beneficiary pays principle (BPP), and the contribution to problem principle (CPP). Many of these accounts have given prominence to the CPP and APP, but there are some who argue that the BPP deserves greater consideration. In this (...)
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  • (1 other version)Einleitung: Kollektive Verantwortung in der globalen Ethik - Ein Problemaufriss.Henning Hahn & Jens Schnitker - 2017 - Zeitschrift für Praktische Philosophie 4 (1):109-122.
    In der Einleitung in den Schwerpunkt „Ethik der Globalisierung und kollektive Verantwortung“ machen wir uns für ein Verständnis von globaler Ethik als einer neuen Disziplin innerhalb der angewandten Ethik stark. Darin geht es wesentlich um Probleme, die sich aus der globalen Kooperation und Konkurrenz in wirtschaftlicher, politischer, sozialer und kultureller Hinsicht ergeben. Nach dieser Auffassung hat es globale Ethik grundsätzlich mit der Bestimmung globaler kollektiver Verantwortlichkeiten zu tun, da sich das Handeln individueller und kollektiver Akteure heute vor dem Hintergrund einer (...)
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  • Justice in migration: A closed borders utopia?Lea Ypi - 2008 - Journal of Political Philosophy 16 (4):391-418.
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  • Global egalitarianism.Chris Armstrong - 2008 - Philosophy Compass 4 (1):155-171.
    To whom is egalitarian justice owed? Our fellow citizens, or all of humankind? If the latter, what form might a global brand of egalitarianism take? This paper examines some recent debates about the justification, and content, of global egalitarian justice. It provides an account of some keenly argued controversies about the scope of egalitarian justice, between those who would restrict it to the level of the state and those who would extend it more widely. It also notes the cross-cutting distinction (...)
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  • Democratic self-determination and the need for deliberation.Minh Ly - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    I offer in this paper a new conception of democratic self-determination. My proposal defends Rafanelli's peaceful reform intervention from the concern that we should not promote justice abroad, because it would interfere with the self-determining choice of other people to select an authoritarian government. I challenge this influential view of authoritarian self-determination. I argue instead that self-determination should be democratic in its input, or the procedure deliberating and voting on the constitution. Self-determination should also be democratic in its output, or (...)
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  • Citizen liabilities for state-perpetrated injustices in non-democracies: toward a new authorisation account.Brian Wong Yue Shun - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    When states perpetrate injustices, do their individual citizens develop liabilities to repair such wrongdoings? Most existing accounts of citizens’ liabilities for state-perpetrated injustices, whilst applicable across certain democratic contexts, struggle to provide robust accounts of the grounds and nature of liabilities for citizens in non-democratic contexts. This problematically leaves a lacuna when it comes to the responsibilities and appropriate responses of citizens in these states. This article advances a distinctive two-pronged authorisation-based account applicable to non-democracies. Objective authorisers are individuals who (...)
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  • Saving cosmopolitanism from colonialism.Daniel Weltman - 2024 - Ethics and Global Politics 17 (4):25-44.
    Cosmopolitanism – the view that moral concern, and consequently moral duties, are not limited by borders – seems to justify colonialism with a ‘civilizing’ mission, because it supports the enforcement of moral norms universally, with no distinctions between territories, and settler colonialism, because it promotes ideas like common ownership of the Earth and open borders. I argue that existing attempts to defend cosmopolitanism from this worry fail, and that instead the cosmopolitan should embrace a cosmopolitan instrumentalist defence. According to cosmopolitan (...)
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  • On The Necessity of a Pluralist Theory of Reparations for Historical Injustice.Felix Lambrecht - 2024 - Philosophical Quarterly 1 (1):1-21.
    Philosophers have offered many arguments to explain why historical injustices require reparations. This paper raises an unnoticed challenge for almost all of them. Most theories of reparations attempt to meet two intuitions: (1) Reparations are owed for a past wrong and (2) the content of reparations must reflect the historical injustice. I argue that necessarily no monistic theory can meet both intuitions. I do this by showing that any theory that can meet intuition (1) necessarily cannot also meet intuition (2). (...)
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  • (1 other version)Empirische Studien zu Fragen der Bedarfsgerechtigkeit.Alexander Max Bauer - 2024 - Dissertation, University of Oldenburg
    The role that need plays in dealing with problems of distributive justice is examined in a series of vignette studies. Among other things, it becomes clear that impartial observers make gradual assessments of justice that depend on the extent to which the observed individuals are endowed with a good. If it is known how high their need for that good is, the assessments are made relative to this reference point. In addition, impartial decision-makers make hypothetical distribution decisions that take into (...)
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  • A New Look into Peter Townsend’s Holy Grail: The Theory and Measure of Poverty as Relative Deprivation.Samuel Maia - 2024 - Dissertation, Federal University of Minas Gerais
    The development of the science of poverty has largely been driven by the need to define more precisely what poverty is, as well as to provide theoretical and empirical criteria for identifying those who suffer from it. This thesis focuses on a notable response to these and related questions: the conception and measure of poverty by the British sociologist Peter Townsend. Townsend defines poverty as relative deprivation caused by lack of resources. This conception, along with his corresponding cut-off measure, constitutes (...)
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  • Collective Responsibility and Artificial Intelligence.Isaac Taylor - 2024 - Philosophy and Technology 37 (1):1-18.
    The use of artificial intelligence (AI) to make high-stakes decisions is sometimes thought to create a troubling responsibility gap – that is, a situation where nobody can be held morally responsible for the outcomes that are brought about. However, philosophers and practitioners have recently claimed that, even though no individual can be held morally responsible, groups of individuals might be. Consequently, they think, we have less to fear from the use of AI than might appear to be the case. This (...)
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  • Resilience and Nonideal Justice in Climate Loss and Damage Governance (3rd edition).Ivo Wallimann-Helmer - 2023 - Global Environmental Politics 23:52-70.
    From a nonideal justice perspective, this article investigates liability and compensation intheir wider theoretical context to better understand the governance of climate loss anddamage under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change(UNFCCC). The usual rationale for considering compensation takes a backward-looking understanding of responsibility. It links those causing harm directly to its remedy. Thisarticle shows that, under current political circumstances, it is more reasonable to understandresponsibility as a forward-looking concept and thus to differentiate responsibilitieson grounds of capacity and solidarity. (...)
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  • Who is responsible for the climate change problem?Megan Blomfield - 2023 - Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 123 (2):126-149.
    According to the Polluter Pays Principle, excessive emitters of greenhouse gases have special obligations to remedy the problem of climate change, because they are the ones who have caused it. But what kind of problem is climate change? In this paper I argue that as a moral problem, climate change has a more complex causal structure than many proponents of the Polluter Pays Principle seem to recognize: it is a problem resulting from the interaction of anthropogenic climate effects with the (...)
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  • The Interdependence of Domestic and Global Justice.Valentin Beck - 2019 - Yearbook for Eastern and Western Philosophy 4 (1):75-90.
    This article focuses on the challenge of determining the relative weight of domestic and global justice demands. This problem concerns a variety of views that differ on the metric, function, scope, grounds and fundamental interpretation of justice norms. I argue that domestic and global economic justice are irreducibly interdependent. In order to address their exact relation, I discuss and compare three theoretical models: (i) the bottom-up-approach, which prioritizes domestic justice; (ii) the top-down-approach, which prioritizes global justice; and (iii) the horizontal (...)
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  • Widely Agreeable Moral Principles Support Efforts to Reduce Wild Animal Suffering.Tristan Katz - forthcoming - Journal of Applied Animal Ethics Research.
    Every day, wild animals suffer and die from myriad natural causes. For those committed to non-speciesism, what wild animal suffering entails for us morally is a question of the utmost importance, and yet there remains significant disagreement at the level of normative theory. In this paper I argue that in situations of moral urgency environmental managers and policy makers should refer to widely-agreeable moral principles for guidance. I claim that the principles of beneficence, non-maleficence, autonomy and justice do well to (...)
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  • A Lockean Theory of Climate Justice for Food Security.Akira Inoue - 2023 - The Journal of Ethics 27 (2):151-172.
    This paper argues that the Lockean proviso can be utilized as a relevant principle of justice for food security under global climate change. Since reducing GHG emissions is key to enhancing food security, we suggest a global food security scheme that systematically allots, among all people, access to GHG sinks in food systems impacted by global climate change. For consideration of the scheme, it is important to have a principle of justice. Furthermore, it should incorporate the value of fairness. A (...)
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  • Using (Un)Fair Algorithms in an Unjust World.Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen - 2022 - Res Publica 29 (2):283-302.
    Algorithm-assisted decision procedures—including some of the most high-profile ones, such as COMPAS—have been described as unfair because they compound injustice. The complaint is that in such procedures a decision disadvantaging members of a certain group is based on information reflecting the fact that the members of the group have already been unjustly disadvantaged. I assess this reasoning. First, I distinguish the anti-compounding duty from a related but distinct duty—the proportionality duty—from which at least some of the intuitive appeal of the (...)
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  • Why (Some) Corporations Have Positive Duties to (Some of) the Global Poor.Tadhg Ó Laoghaire - 2023 - Journal of Business Ethics 184 (3):741-755.
    Many corporations are large, powerful, and wealthy. There are massive shortfalls of global justice, with hundreds of millions of people in the world living below the threshold of extreme poverty, and billions more living not far above that threshold. Where injustice and needs shortfalls must be remediated, we often look towards agents’ capabilities to determine who ought to bear the costs of rectifying the situation. The combination of these three claims grounds what I call a ‘linkage-based’ account of why corporations (...)
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  • The puzzle of competitive fairness.Oisin Suttle - 2022 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 21 (2):190-227.
    Politics, Philosophy & Economics, Volume 21, Issue 2, Page 190-227, May 2022. There is a sense of fairness that is distinctive of markets. This is fairness among economic competitors, competitive fairness. We regularly make judgments of competitive fairness about market participants, public policies and institutions. However, it is not clear to what these judgments refer, or what moral significance they have. This paper offers a rational reconstruction of competitive fairness in terms of non-domination. It first identifies competitive fairness as a (...)
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  • Hannah Arendt and International Relations.Shinkyu Lee - 2021 - In Nukhet Sandal (ed.), Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies. Oxford University Press. pp. 1-30.
    International relations (IR) scholars have increasingly integrated Hannah Arendt into their works. Her fierce critique of the conventional ideas of politics driven by rulership, enforcement, and violence has a particular resonance for theorists seeking to critically revisit the basic assumptions of IR scholarship. Arendt’s thinking, however, contains complexity and nuance that need careful treatment when extended beyond domestic politics. In particular, Arendt’s vision of free politics—characterized by the dualistic emphasis on agonistic action and institutional stability—raises two crucial issues that need (...)
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  • (1 other version)Shared Responsibility and Labor Rights in Global Supply Chains.Yossi Dahan, Hanna Lerner & Faina Milman-Sivan - 2021 - Journal of Business Ethics 182 (4):1-16.
    The article presents a novel normative model of shared responsibility for remedying unjust labor conditions and protecting workers’ rights in global supply chains. While existing literature on labor governance in the globalized economy tends to focus on empirical and conceptual investigations, the article contributes to the emerging scholarship by proposing moral justifications for labor governance schemes that go beyond voluntary private regulations and include public enforcement mechanisms. Drawing on normative theories of justice and on empirical-legal research, our Labor Model of (...)
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  • The agents of justice.Colin Hickey, Tim Meijers, Ingrid Robeyns & Dick Timmer - 2021 - Philosophy Compass 16.
    The complexities of how justice comes to be realized, and by which agents, is a relatively neglected element in contemporary theories of justice. This has left several crucial questions about agency and justice undertheorized, such as why some particular agents are responsible for realizing justice, how their contribution towards realizing justice should be understood, and what role agents such as activists and community leaders play in realizing justice. We aim to contribute towards a better understanding of the landscape of these (...)
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  • Populist Anti-immigrant Sentiments Taken Seriously: A Realistic Approach.Laura Santi Amantini - 2021 - Res Publica 28 (1):103-123.
    This essay argues that the illiberal anti-immigrant sentiments which lie behind the success of populist right-wing parties deserve the attention of political theorists working on the ethics of migration, even though such sentiments exceed the boundaries of admissible disagreement on justice in migration. Firstly, populist anti-immigrant sentiments hinder the implementation of liberal democratic immigration policies and thus they represent a feasibility constraint for any liberal ethics of migration, not only the most cosmopolitan ones. Secondly, there are legitimacy reasons why such (...)
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  • (1 other version)Basic needs in normative contexts.Thomas Pölzler - 2021 - Philosophy Compass 16 (5):e12732.
    In answering normative questions, researchers sometimes appeal to the concept of basic needs. Their guiding idea is that our first priority should be to ensure that everybody is able to meet these needs—to have enough in terms of food, water, shelter, and so on. This article provides an opinionated overview of basic needs in normative contexts. Any basic needs theory must answer three questions: (1) What are basic needs? (2) To what extent do basic needs generate reasons for action and (...)
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  • Lorna Finlayson on Political Philosophy and Immigration: A Reply.David Miller - forthcoming - Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society.
    Replying to Finlayson, I defend analytic political philosophy from the charge that, by ignoring their historical context, it fails to grasp what is really at stake in the case of issues such as immigration. I also defend my own work on that topic from the charge that it is implicitly racist by virtue of using arguments capable of being appropriated by racists.
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  • Political philosophy beyond methodological nationalism.Alex Sager - 2021 - Philosophy Compass 16 (2):e12726.
    Interdisciplinary work on the nature of borders and society has enriched and complicated our understanding of democracy, community, distributive justice, and migration. It reveals the cognitive bias of methodological nationalism, which has distorted normative political thought on these topics, uncritically and often unconsciously adapting and reifying state‐centered conceptions of territory, space, and community. Under methodological nationalism, state territories demarcate the boundaries of the political; society is conceived as composed of immobile, culturally homogenous citizens, each belonging to one and only one (...)
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  • Global justice, sovereignty, and the problem of perspective.Jennifer Szende - 2021 - Journal of International Political Theory 17 (1):99-116.
    This article argues that a state-centered theory of global justice exhibits an epistemic problem of perspective, and that this worry exhibits a gendered character. Within a liberal domestic theory of justice, the public/private distinction has been repeatedly shown to be bad for women because it creates a domain for injustice that becomes invisible to public policy and the law. This article argues that state-centered theories of global justice create an analogous space that is cut off from questions of global justice. (...)
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