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  1. The Republican and Retributivist Punishment of Police Misconduct.Nicholas Goldrosen - forthcoming - Criminal Law and Philosophy:1-17.
    This paper conceptualizes the administrative punishment of police misconduct as a republican retributivist endeavor. Blameworthiness for police misconduct stems from its collective and civic harms to liberty — as conceived of as equal protection, rather than non-interference. Police have a special obligation to uphold liberty. Failing to uphold these conditions of liberty is what makes misconduct blameworthy. Police misconduct, insofar as it represents the arbitrary domination of some people over others, threatens republican freedom. I trace this conception of police misconduct (...)
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  • Criminal Law and Republican Liberty: Philip Pettit’s Account.Jeremy Horder - 2022 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 16 (1):193-213.
    Philip Pettit has made central to modern republican theory a distinctive account of freedom—republican freedom. On this account, I am not free solely because I can make choices without interference. I am truly free, only if that non-interference does not itself depend on another’s forbearance. Pettit believes that the principal justification for the traditional focus of the criminal law is that it constitutes a bulwark against domination. I will, in part, be considering the merits of this claim. Is the importance (...)
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  • Iudicium ex Machinae – The Ethical Challenges of Automated Decision-Making in Criminal Sentencing.Frej Thomsen - 2022 - In Julian Roberts & Jesper Ryberg (eds.), Principled Sentencing and Artificial Intelligence. Oxford University Press.
    Automated decision making for sentencing is the use of a software algorithm to analyse a convicted offender’s case and deliver a sentence. This chapter reviews the moral arguments for and against employing automated decision making for sentencing and finds that its use is in principle morally permissible. Specifically, it argues that well-designed automated decision making for sentencing will better approximate the just sentence than human sentencers. Moreover, it dismisses common concerns about transparency, privacy and bias as unpersuasive or inapplicable. The (...)
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  • La dimension causal de la democracia deliberative en la reforma del derecho penal.Romina Rekers - 2015 - Criminal Justice Ethics 1 (1):1-22.
    El objetivo de este artículo es identificar las consideraciones de quiénes deben guiar la sanción o reforma de la ley penal. Este objetivo cobra relevancia si consideramos que las diferentes respuestas pueden impactar en las tasas de cumplimiento del derecho penal y en los niveles de coacción estatal arbitraria. Para ello, se analizarán algunas propuestas teóricas que se ubican en una recta cuyos extremos están ocupados, respectivamente, por el populismo y el elitismo penal. Estos argumentos son reconstruidos en el debate (...)
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  • Our “Barbarians” at the Gate: On the Undercriminalized Citizenship Deprivation as a Counterterrorism Tool.Ivó Coca-Vila - 2020 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 14 (2):149-167.
    Germany is joining a long list of European democracies that have modified or expressed a willingness to modify their citizenship laws to denationalize first and then prevent the return of or expel those citizens accused of having participated in terrorist activities abroad. The formal labelling of citizenship deprivation as an administrative measure outside the scope of criminal justice has prevented scholars of criminal law from undertaking a thorough scrutiny of its legitimacy. In this paper I seek to fill this gap. (...)
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  • Does a Mugger Dominate? Episodic Power and the Structural Dimension of Domination.Dorothea Gädeke - 2019 - Journal of Political Philosophy 28 (2):199-221.
    Imagine you are walking through a park. Suddenly, a mugger points a gun at you, threatening to shoot you if you do not hand over your valuables. Is this an instance of domination? Many authors working within the neo-republican framework - including Philip Pettit himself - are inclined to say 'yes'. After all, the mugger case seems to be a paradigmatic example of what it means to be at someone's mercy. However, I argue that this conclusion is based on a (...)
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  • The Ethics of Policing and Imprisonment.Molly Gardner & Michael Weber (eds.) - 2018 - Cham: Springer Verlag.
    This volume considers the ethics of policing and imprisonment, focusing particularly on mass incarceration and police shootings in the United States. The contributors consider the ways in which non-ideal features of the criminal justice system―features such as the prevalence of guns in America, political pressures, considerations of race and gender, and the lived experiences of people in jails and prisons―impinge upon conclusions drawn from more idealized models of punishment and law enforcement. There are a number of common themes running throughout (...)
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  • Punishment and Democratic Rights: A Case Study in Non-Ideal Penal Theory.Steve Swartzer - 2018 - In Molly Gardner & Michael Weber (eds.), The Ethics of Policing and Imprisonment. Cham: Springer Verlag. pp. 7-37.
    In the United States, convicted offenders frequently lose the right to vote, at least temporarily. Drawing on the common observation that citizens of color lose democratic rights at disproportionately high rates, this chapter argues that this punishment is problematic in non-ideal societies because of the way in which it diminishes the political power of marginalized groups and threatens to reproduce patterns of domination and subordination, when they occur. This chapter then uses the case of penal disenfranchisement to illustrate how idealized (...)
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  • Punishment, Deliberative Democracy & The Jury: Albert W. Dzur, Punishment, Participatory Democracy & The Jury, Oxford University Press, 2012.Roberto Gargarella - 2015 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 9 (4):709-717.
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  • Delitos Acumulativos Ambientales: una aproximación desde el republicanismo.Santiago Truccone Borgogno - 2013 - Revista de Derecho Ambiental de la Universidad de Palermo 2 (2):59-98.
    La censura penal en los estados liberales de derecho se ha justificado históricamente desde el concepto de bien jurídico y desde principio del daño, conforme la tradición sea alemana o anglosajona, respectivamente. Sin embargo, en las últimas décadas se observa que tales criterios no pueden hacer frente a nuevos problemas que presentan las sociedades modernas. Tal es el caso de las tipificaciones en forma de delitos acumulativos, es decir conductas que en sí mismas acarrean consecuencias lesivas muy pequeñas, pero que (...)
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  • Recent approaches to justifying punishment.Phillip Montague - 2002 - Philosophia 29 (1-4):1-34.
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  • Who should fight domination? Individual responsibility and structural injustice.Dorothea Gädeke - 2021 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 20 (2):180-201.
    Who is responsible for fighting domination? Answering this question, I argue, requires taking the structural dimension of domination seriously to avoid unwillingly reproducing domination in the nam...
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  • Keeping republican freedom simple.of Republican Liberty - 2002 - Political Theory 30 (3):339-356.
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  • Are ‘Optimistic’ Theories of Criminal Justice Psychologically Feasible? The Probative Case of Civic Republicanism.Victoria McGeer & Friederike Funk - 2017 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 11 (3):523-544.
    ‘Optimistic’ normative theories of criminal justice aim to justify criminal sanction in terms of its reprobative/rehabilitative value rather than its punitive nature as such. But do such theories accord with ordinary intuitions about what constitutes a ‘just’ response to wrongdoing? Recent empirical work on the psychology of punishers suggests that human beings have a ‘brutely retributive’ moral psychology, making them unlikely to endorse normative theories that sacrifice retribution for the sake of reprobation or rehabilitation; it would mean, for example, that (...)
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  • The incompleteness of 'punishment as fair play': A response to dagger.Antony Duff - 2008 - Res Publica 14 (4):277-281.
    Richard Dagger (in this issue) provides perhaps the most persuasive version of a ‘fair play’ theory of criminal punishment, grounded in an attractive liberal republican political theory. But, I argue, his version of the theory still faces serious objections: that its explanation of why some central mala in se are properly criminalised is still distorting, despite his appeal to the burdens of ‘general compliance’; and that it cannot adequately explain (as it should explain) the differential seriousness and wrongfulness of different (...)
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