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The Liberalism of Fear

In Nancy L. Rosenblum (ed.), Liberalism and the Moral Life (1989)

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  1. Human Rights and the Politics of Victimhood.Robert Meister - 2002 - Ethics and International Affairs 16 (2):91-108.
    Meister argues for a renewal of the politics of victim and beneficiary that avoids moral pitfalls of the revolutionary project. These pitfalls inhere in a politics of victimhood.
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  • Radicalizing Realist Legitimacy.Ben Cross - forthcoming - Philosophy and Social Criticism.
    Several critics of realist theories of political legitimacy have alleged that it possesses a problematic bias towards the status quo. This bias is thought to be reflected in the way in which these...
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  • The Unnoticed Monism of Judith Shklar’s Liberalism of Fear.Allyn Fives - forthcoming - Philosophy and Social Criticism.
    Judith Shklar’s liberalism of fear, a political and philosophical standpoint that emerges in her mature work, has ostensibly two defining characteristics. It is a sceptical approach that puts cruel...
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  • Human Wrongs and the Tragedy of Victimhood: Response to "Human Rights and the Politics of Victimhood".Catherine Lu - 2002 - Ethics and International Affairs 16 (2):109-117.
    The problem with the politics of victimhood, as conducted by revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries engaged in ideological conflict, is that it creates a morally arbitrary hierarchy of victims that can then be used to justify the worst moral transgressions against the "other.".
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  • Richard Rorty's Liberalism.Ronald Beiner - 1993 - Ethic@ 7 (1):15-31.
    Richard Rorty, with his tendency to shock, to provoke, and to seize on Continental fashions, might be thought an unlikely liberal. Nevertheless, Rorty illustrates very well some of the characteristic weaknesses of contemporary liberalism. To the extent that he draws upon postmodern and deconstructionist sources, he highlights, and radicalizes, the liberal urge to break out of frozen identities and to destabilize static roles and fixed stations in life. His distinctive version of pragmatism yields a way of drawing liberal boundaries between (...)
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  • On Universalism: Communitarians, Rorty, and “Liberal Metaphysicians”.Andrew Jason Cohen - 2000 - Southern Journal of Philosophy 38 (1):39-75.
    It is often claimed that liberalism is falsely and perniciously universalist. I take this charge seriously, exploring three positions: the communitarians’, Rorty’s, and that of “comprehensive” liberalism. After explaining why universalism is thought impossible, I examine the communitarian view that value is determined within communities and argue that it results in a form of relativism that is unacceptable. I next discuss Richard Rorty’s liberal acceptance of “conventionalism” and explain how, despite his rejection of universalism, Rorty remains a liberal. I then (...)
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  • John Gray and the Political Theory of Modus Vivendi.John Horton - 2006 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 9 (2):155-169.
    (2006). John Gray and the Political Theory of Modus Vivendi. Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy: Vol. 9, The Political Theory of John Gray, pp. 155-169.
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  • Becoming Who We Are: Democracy and the Political Problem of Hope.Andrew Norris - 2008 - Critical Horizons 9 (1):77-89.
    In this article I argue that hope is rightly numbered by Hesiod among the evils, as hope cannot be separated from an awareness of the inadequacy of one's current state. Political hope for democrats in particular is tied to the awareness that we have not yet realized ourselves, that, to paraphrase Pindar, we have not yet become who we are. I argue that, although Rorty comes close to articulating this in his book Achieving Our Country, his emphasis on pride ultimately (...)
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  • Barbarous Nationalism and the Liberal International Order: Reflections on the ‘Is,’ the ‘Ought,’ and the ‘Can’.Carol A. L. Prager - 1997 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 26 (sup1):439-462.
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  • Frank H. Knight and Ethical Pluralism.Richard Boyd - 1997 - Critical Review 11 (4):519-536.
    For Frank Knight, the fact that we are free to engage in economic pursuits brings out what is both best and worst in human nature. The same competitive economy that liberates individuals to choose their own desired ends also provides them with socially undesirable wants and fosters habits potentially at odds with the demands of liberal democracy. Given Knight’s desire both to defend human liberty and his concession that liberty is likely to be abused, his version of liberalism must of (...)
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  • Political Realism and Dirty Hands: Value Pluralism, Moral Conflict and Public Ethics.Demetris Tillyris - forthcoming - Philosophia:1-24.
    This paper draws on the underappreciated realist thought of Isaiah Berlin, Stuart Hampshire and Judith Shklar, rehearses their critique of moralism and extends it to a position which seems far from obvious a target: the dirty hands thesis, which is mostly owed to Michael Walzer, and which a number of contemporary realists have recently appealed to in their endeavour to challenge moralism and/or tackle the insufficiently addressed question of what a more affirmative, realist public ethic might involve. In illustrating that (...)
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  • Isaiah Berlin.Joshua Cherniss - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  • Le libéralisme de la prudence : contribution à un minimalisme politique.Nicolas Tavaglione - 2013 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 8 (1):47-69.
    Il s’agit ici de présenter une version raffinée du libéralisme de la peur de Judith Shklar : le libéralisme de la prudence. Après en avoir brièvement présenté les grandes lignes et les principales faiblesses, j’esquisse les contours du libéralisme de la prudence et montre comment il réalise, mieux que libéralisme de la peur, le programme minimaliste poursuivi par Shklar. Je montre ensuite comment le libéralisme de la prudence nous permet de sortir du dilemme libéral posé par la tradition postrawlsienne : (...)
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  • Neutralism, Perfectionism and Respect for Persons.Michael Schefczyk - 2012 - .
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  • In What Sense Must Political Philosophy Be Political?David Miller - 2016 - Social Philosophy and Policy 33 (1-2):155-174.
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  • Suffering and the Making of Politics: Perspectives From Jaspers and Camus.Giunia Gatta - 2015 - Contemporary Political Theory 14 (4):335-354.
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  • Exercising Political Power Reasonably.Shaun P. Young - 2008 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (2):255-72.
    For liberal political philosophers the notion of ?reasonableness? has provided a moral and legal standard for judging the acceptability and, by extension, legitimacy of government behaviour. In order for a government directive to constitute a legitimate obligation on citizens, it must be compatible with the dictates of reason and treat all citizens in a reasonable manner. Arguably, such an approach achieves its most powerful presentation (to date, at least) in the theories of ?political? liberals, who typically assert that reasonableness must (...)
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  • Political Integrity and Dirty Hands: Compromise and the Ambiguities of Betrayal.Demetris Tillyris - 2017 - Res Publica 23 (4):475-494.
    The claim that democratic politics is the art of compromise is a platitude but we seem allergic to compromise in politics when it happens. This essay explores this paradox. Taking my cue from Machiavelli’s claim that there exists a rift between a morally admirable and a virtuous political life, I argue that: a ‘compromising disposition’ is an ambiguous virtue—something which is politically expedient but not necessarily morally admirable; whilst uncongenial to moral integrity, a ‘compromising disposition’ constitutes an essential aspect of (...)
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  • The Multiculturalism of Fear.Jacob T. Levy - 1996 - Critical Review 10 (2):271-283.
    Abstract The liberalism of fear urged by Judith Shklar emphasizes the dangers of political violence, cruelty, and humiliation. Those dangers clearly mark ethnic and cultural conflicts, so the liberalism of fear is an especially appropriate political ethic for an age marked by such conflicts. A multiculturalism of fear keeps its attention on those central political dangers while also noting that some kinds of cruelty and humiliation might not be appreciated without reference to the larger ethnic and cultural context, and that (...)
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  • Liberal Democracy and the Challenge of Ethical Diversity.Enzo Rossi - 2008 - Human Affairs 18 (1):10-22.
    What do we talk about when we talk about ethical diversity as a challenge to the normative justifiability of liberal democracy? Many theorists claim that liberal democracy ought to be reformed or rejected for not being sufficiently ‘inclusive’ towards diversity; others argue that, on the contrary, liberalism is desirable because it accommodates (some level of) diversity. Moreover, it has been argued that concern for diversity should lead us to favour (say) neutralistic over perfectionist, universalistic over particularistic, participative over representative versions (...)
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  • Reflections on a Crisis: Political Disenchantment, Moral Desolation, and Political Integrity.Demetris Tillyris - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (1):109-131.
    Declining levels of political trust and voter turnout, the shift towards populist politics marked by appeals to ‘the people’ and a rejection of ‘politics-as-usual’, are just some of the commonly cited manifestations of our culture of political disaffection. Democratic politics, it is argued, is in crisis. Whilst considerable energy has been expended on the task of lamenting the status of our politics and pondering over recommendations to tackle this perceived crisis, amid this raft of complaints and solutions lurks confusion. This (...)
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  • Liberalism and Fear of Violence.Bruce Buchan - 2001 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 4 (3):27-48.
    Liberal political thought is underwritten by an enduring fear of civil and state violence. It is assumed within liberal thought that self?interest characterises relations between individuals in civil society, resulting in violence. In absolutist doctrines, such as Hobbes?, the pacification of private persons depended on the Sovereign's command of a monopoly of violence. Liberals, by contrast, sought to claim that the state itself must be pacified, its capacity for cruelty (e.g., torture) removed, its capacity for violence (e.g., war) reduced and (...)
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  • Liberals and Pluralists: Charles Taylor Vs John Gray.William M. Curtis - 2007 - Contemporary Political Theory 6 (1):86-107.
    Charles Taylor and John Gray offer competing liberal responses to the contemporary challenge of pluralism. Gray's morally minimal 'modus vivendi liberalism' aims at peaceful coexistence between plural ways of life. It is, in Judith Shklar's phrase, a 'liberalism of fear' that is skeptical of attempts to harmonize clashing values. In contrast, Taylor's 'hermeneutic liberalism' is based on dialogical engagement with difference and holds out the possibility that incompatible values and traditions can be reconciled without oppression or distortion. Although Taylor's theory (...)
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  • Just Pretending: Political Apologies for Historical Injustice and Vice’s Tribute to Virtue.Mathias Thaler - 2012 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 15 (3):259-278.
    Should we be concerned with, or alarmed or outraged by, the insincerity and hypocrisy of politicians who apologize for historical injustice? This paper argues that the correct reply to this question is: sometimes, but not always. In order to establish what types of insincerity must be avoided, Judith Shklar?s hierarchy of ordinary vices is critically revisited. Against Shklar?s overly benign account of hypocrisy, the paper then tries to demonstrate that only institutional and harmful forms of hypocrisy must be rejected in (...)
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  • Isaiah Berlin: Liberalism and Pluralism in Theory and Practice.Jason Ferrell - 2009 - Contemporary Political Theory 8 (3):295-316.
    One of the most pressing dilemmas of the moment concerns pluralism and the issue of justification: how does one defend a commitment to any particular position? The fear is that pluralism undercuts our ability to justify our moral and political views, and thereby leads to relativism. As I argue here, Isaiah Berlin provides an exemplary argument concerning the ties between pluralism and liberalism. Although Berlin admits there is no logical link between pluralism and liberalism, he nevertheless highlights plausible ties between (...)
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  • Afterword: Liberal Nationalism Both Cosmopolitan and Rooted.Jocelyne Couture, Kai Nielsen & Michel Seymour - 1997 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 26 (sup1):579-662.
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  • In the Aftermath of Critique We Are Not in Epistemic Free Fall: Human Rights, the Subaltern Subject, and Non-Liberal Search for Freedom and Happiness.Ratna Kapur - 2014 - Law and Critique 25 (1):25-45.
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  • Normativism and Realism Within Contemporary Democratic Constitutionalism.Valerio Fabbrizi - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 44 (6):1-21.
    The renewed interest on political realism can offer a new reading of the traditional dichotomy between normative and realist conception of constitutionalism. The purpose of this article is to analyse this renewed discussion, especially by focusing on the relationship between “political realism” and “political constitutionalism,” in the light of some theorists and authors—such as Richard Bellamy and Jeremy Waldron. After a brief introduction in which political realism will be discussed, especially through Bernard Williams’ reinterpretation, the article proposes a rereading of (...)
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  • Political Realism and International Relations.Duncan Bell - 2017 - Philosophy Compass 12 (2):e12403.
    In this article, I explore recent work on realist political theory and international politics. I discuss how scholarship on the topic emanates from two different fields—International Relations and political philosophy—and argue that there is a good case for greater engagement between them. I open by delineating various kinds of realism, showing that the term covers a wide variety of methodological and political approaches. In particular, I suggest, it is important to recognize the difference between liberal and radical approaches. The remainder (...)
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  • Moral Character for Political Leaders: A Normative Account.Lucas Swaine - 2013 - Res Publica 19 (4):317-333.
    This article analyzes the moral and political implications of strong moral character for political action. The treatment provides reason to hold that strong moral character should play a role in a robust normative account of political leadership. The case is supported by empirical findings on character dispositions and the political viability of the account’s normative prescriptions.
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  • Strategic Assumptions and Moral Implications of the Constabulary Force.James Burk - 2005 - Journal of Military Ethics 4 (3):155-167.
    Abstract Noting that the use of modern instruments of war had unpredictable and revolutionary consequences, Morris Janowitz introduced the concept of a ?constabulary force? to show how a professional military in a liberal democratic state might use modern weapons and yet conserve the existing political order. This article explores the meaning of this concept in three ways. First, it examines the strategic assumptions underlying the concept to explain why Janowitz thought it offered an approach to containing the revolutionary consequences of (...)
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