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  1. History of Science and its Sociological Reconstructions.Steven Shapin - 1982 - History of Science 20 (3):157-211.
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  • Humanistic approach of the early protestant medical missionaries in nineteenth‐century china.Si Jia Jane & Dong Shaoxin - 2016 - Zygon 51 (1):100-112.
    The efficacies of Western and Chinese medicine have been under debate for a long time, and the whole issue still raises questions for the contemporary world. The article emphasizes the humanistic approach as well as the scientific method of the early Protestant medical missionaries to China, so as to give a more comprehensive scope to understand their historical roles and practices in a cross-cultural context. The authors also wish to call for a global readership to further discuss this historical legacy (...)
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  • Ideas of heredity, reproduction and eugenics in Britain, 1800–1875.John C. Waller - 2001 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 32 (3):457-489.
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  • Darwin, Wallace, and the Descent of Man.Joel S. Schwartz - 1984 - Journal of the History of Biology 17 (2):271-289.
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  • Andrew Dickson white and the history of a religious future.Richard Schaefer - 2015 - Zygon 50 (1):7-27.
    Andrew Dickson White played a pivotal role in constructing the image of a necessary, and even violent, confrontation between religion and science that persists to this day. Though scholars have long acknowledged that his position is more complex, given that White claimed to be saving religion from theology, there has been no attempt to explore what this means in light of his overwhelming attack on existing religions. This essay draws attention to how White's role as a historian was decisive in (...)
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  • Biology as Social Theory: John Scott Haldane and Physiological Regulation.Steve Sturdy - 1988 - British Journal for the History of Science 21 (3):315-340.
    During the first forty years of this century, the concept of a living organism was discussed widely and publicly by biologists and philosophers. Two questions in particular excited discussion. In what ways should organisms be considered different from or the same as dead matter? And what can we learn about the nature of human society by regarding it as analogous to a living organism? Inevitably, these questions were closely related; the conclusions to be drawn about the social organism would depend (...)
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  • Coadaptation and the Inadequacy of Natural Selection.Mark Ridley - 1982 - British Journal for the History of Science 15 (1):45-68.
    When Charles Darwin published his theory in 1859 the biological community gave very different receptions to the idea of evolution and to the theory of natural selection. Evolution was accepted as widely and rapidly as natural selection was rejected. Most biologists were ready to accept that evolution had occurred, but not that natural selection was its cause. They preferred other explanations of evolution, such as theories of big directed variation, or admitted that they did not know its cause. Darwin himself (...)
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  • Karl Pearson and the professional middle class.D. MacKenzie - 1979 - Annals of Science 36 (2):125-143.
    Karl Pearson is a figure of interest to historians of many areas. The historian of mathematical statistics knows the inventor of the product-moment correlation coefficient and the chi square test; the historian of philosophy knows the author of the Grammar of science; the historian of genetics knows the opponent of Mendelism; the political historian knows the ‘social-imperialist’ political thinker; the historian of feminism knows the early supporter of the women's movement and friend of Olive Schreiner; and, of course, the historian (...)
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  • The Evolution of Methodological Naturalism in the Origin of Species.Stephen Dilley - 2013 - Hopos: The Journal of the International Society for the History of Philosophy of Science 3 (1):20-58.
    Although scholars have paid careful attention to the naturalistic content of the Origin, less focus has been given to Darwin’s strategic deployment of methodological naturalism in the volume. A close inspection shows that he did not use methodological naturalism statically in the six editions of the Origin; instead, he strategically and progressively invoked methodological naturalism in the six editions of the Origin in order to enhance the persuasiveness of his theory and to marginalize special creation from the scientific discussion. In (...)
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  • Does the history of psychology have a subject?Roger Smith - 1988 - History of the Human Sciences 1 (2):147-177.
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  • Environmental Ethics.Roberta L. Millstein - 2013 - In Kostas Kampourakis (ed.), The Philosophy of Biology: a Companion for Educators. Dordrecht: Springer.
    A number of areas of biology raise questions about what is of value in the natural environment and how we ought to behave towards it: conservation biology, environmental science, and ecology, to name a few. Based on my experience teaching students from these and similar majors, I argue that the field of environmental ethics has much to teach these students. They come to me with pent-up questions and a feeling that more is needed to fully engage in their subjects, and (...)
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  • Joseph Dalton Hooker's Ideals for a Professional Man of Science.Richard Bellon - 2001 - Journal of the History of Biology 34 (1):51 - 82.
    During the 1840s and the 1850s botanist Joseph Hooker developed distinct notions about the proper characteristics of a professional man of science. While he never articulated these ideas publicly as a coherent agenda, he did share his opinions openly in letters to family and colleagues; this private communication gives essential insight into his and his X-Club colleagues' public activities. The core aspiration of Hooker's professionalization was to consolidate men of science into a dutiful and centralized community dedicated to national well-being. (...)
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  • Gentlemanly Men of Science: Sir Francis Galton and the Professionalization of the British Life-Sciences. [REVIEW]John C. Waller - 2001 - Journal of the History of Biology 34 (1):83 - 114.
    Because Francis Galton (1822-1911) was a well-connected gentleman scientist with substantial private means, the importance of the role he played in the professionalization of the Victorian life-sciences has been considered anomalous. In contrast to the X-clubbers, he did not seem to have any personal need for the reforms his Darwinist colleagues were advocating. Nor for making common cause with individuals haling from social strata clearly inferior to his own. However, in this paper I argue that Galton quite realistically discerned in (...)
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  • Ideas of heredity, reproduction and eugenics in Britain, 1800–1875.John C. Waller - 2001 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 32 (3):457-489.
    In this paper I begin by arguing that there are significant intellectual and normative continuities between pre-Victorian hereditarianism and later Victorian eugenical ideologies. Notions of mental heredity and of the dangers of transmitting hereditary ‘taints’ were already serious concerns among medical practitioners and laymen in the early nineteenth century. I then show how the Victorian period witnessed an increasing tendency for these traditional concerns about hereditary transmission and the integrity of bloodlines to be projected onto the level of national health. (...)
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  • A place for the animal dead: Pets, pet cemeteries and animal ethics in late Victorian Britain.Philip Howell - 2002 - Ethics, Place and Environment 5 (1):5 – 22.
    The recent 'animal turn' in geography has contributed to a critical examination of the inseparable geographies of human and non-human animals, and has a clear ethical dimension. This paper is intended to explore these same ethical issues through a consideration of the historical geography of petkeeping as this relates to the death and commemoration of favourite household animals. The emergence of the pet cemetery, towards the end of the 19th century, is a significant step in itself, but this was only (...)
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  • How Science Became Technical.Theodore M. Porter - 2009 - Isis 100 (2):292-309.
    Not until the twentieth century did science come to be regarded as fundamentally technical in nature. A technical field, after all, meant not just a difficult one, but one relying on concepts and vocabulary that matter only to specialists. The alternative, to identify science with an ideal of public reason, attained its peak of influence in the late nineteenth century. While the scale and applicability of science advanced enormously after 1900, scientists have more and more preferred the detached objectivity of (...)
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  • Publishing and the Classics: Paley’s N atural Theology and the Nineteenth-Century Scientific Canon.Aileen Fyfe - 2002 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 33 (4):729-751.
    This article seeks a new way to conceptualise the ‘classic’ work in the history of science, and suggests that the use of publishing history might help avoid the antagonism which surrounded the literary canon wars. It concentrates on the widely acknowledged concept that the key to the classic work is the fact of its being read over a prolonged period of time. Continued reading implies that a work is able to remain relevant to later generations of readers, and, although some (...)
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  • Darwin’s “horrid” Doubt, in Context.Amos Wollen - 2021 - History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences 43 (1):1-12.
    Proponents of Alvin Plantinga’s evolutionary argument against Naturalism often quote Charles Darwin’s 22 April 1881 letter to William Graham to imply Darwin worried that his theory of evolution committed its adherents to some sort of global skepticism. This niggling epistemic worry has, therefore, been dubbed ‘Darwin’s Doubt’. But this gets Darwin wrong. After combing through Darwin’s correspondence and autobiographical writings, the author maintains that Darwin only worried that evolution might cause us to doubt particularly abstruse metaphysical and theological beliefs, and (...)
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  • The Victoria institute, biblical criticism, and the fundamentals.Stuart Mathieson - 2021 - Zygon 56 (1):254-274.
    The Victoria Institute was established in London in 1865. Although billed as an anti-evolutionary organization, and stridently anti-Darwinian in its rhetoric, it spent relatively little time debating the theory of natural selection. Instead, it served as a haven for a specific set of intellectual commitments. Most important among these was the Baconian scientific methodology, which prized empiricism and induction, and was suspicious of speculation. Darwin's use of hypotheses meant that the Victoria Institute members were unconvinced that his work was truly (...)
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  • Explaining religion by human faculties: the naturalism of Henry Maudsley.Hortense de Villaine - 2020 - International Journal of Philosophy and Theology 81 (4):369-385.
    In the second half of the nineteenth century, in Great Britain, a group of scientists decided to challenge the intellectual authority of theologians and clergymen. Because of the recently discovere...
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  • Fashioned in the light of physics: the scope and methods of Halford Mackinder's geography.Emily Hayes - 2019 - British Journal for the History of Science 52 (4):569-594.
    Throughout his career the geographer, and first reader in the ‘new’ geography at the University of Oxford, Halford Mackinder (1861–1947) described his discipline as a branch of physics. This essay explores this feature of Mackinder's thought and presents the connections between him and the Royal Institution professor of natural philosophy John Tyndall (1820–1893). My reframing of Mackinder's geography demonstrates that the academic professionalization of geography owed as much to the methods and instruments of popular natural philosophy and physics as it (...)
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  • Conwy Lloyd Morgan, Methodology, and the Origins of Comparative Psychology.Evan Arnet - 2019 - Journal of the History of Biology 52 (3):433-461.
    The British biologist, philosopher, and psychologist Conwy Lloyd Morgan is widely regarded as one of the founders of comparative psychology. He is especially well known for his eponymous canon, which aimed to provide a rule for the interpretation of mind from behavior. Emphasizing the importance of the context in which Morgan was working—one in which casual observations of animal behavior could be found in Nature magazine every week and psychology itself was fighting for scientific legitimacy—I provide an account of Morgan’s (...)
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  • Psychical research and parapsychology interpreted.Ingrid Kloosterman - 2012 - History of the Human Sciences 25 (2):2-22.
    One of the reasons the history of parapsychology and its ancestor psychical research is intriguing is because it addresses a central issue: the boundaries of science. This article provides an overview of the historiography of parapsychology and presents an approach to investigate the Dutch history of parapsychology contributing to the understanding of this central theme. In the first section the historical accounts provided by psychical researchers and parapsychologists themselves are discussed; next those studies of sociologists and historians understanding parapsychology as (...)
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  • Metapsychics in Spain.Annette Mülberger & Mónica Balltondre - 2012 - History of the Human Sciences 25 (2):108-130.
    The present article deals with a kind of parapsychology called metapsychics ( metapsíquica) as conceived and practised in Spain between 1923 and 1925. First we focus on the reception of a treatise by Richet that evoked both support (Ferrán) and criticism (Mira). Then we examine some experiments on clairvoyance performed at the Marquis of Santa Cara’s home, dealing chiefly with the rise and fall of a case of prodigious vision. The analysis gives special attention to the question of how metapsychics (...)
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  • A Sociological Theory of Objectivity.David Bloor - 1984 - Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 17:229-245.
    I want to propose to you a theory about the nature of objectivity—a theory which will tell us something about its causes, its intrinsic character, and its sources of variation. The theory in question is very simple. Indeed, it is so simple that I fear you will reject it out of hand. Here is the theory: it is thatobjectivity is social. What I mean by saying that objectivity is social is that theimpersonalandstablecharacter that attaches to some of our beliefs, and (...)
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  • Durkheim and Mauss revisited: Classification and the sociology of knowledge.David Bloor - 1982 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 13 (4):267-297.
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  • The?Moral Anatomy? of Robert Knox: The interplay between biological and social thought in Victorian scientific naturalism.Evelleen Richards - 1989 - Journal of the History of Biology 22 (3):373-436.
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  • Christendom en natuurwetenschap in historisch perspectief.Kees de Pater - 2008 - Philosophia Reformata 73 (1):5-18.
    In brede kringen heerst de gedachte dat de natuurwetenschap voortdurend door het christendom gedwarsboomd wordt, met als gevolg een reeds eeuwen durende strijd tussen die twee. Deze ‘conflictthese’ verklaart echter ten onrechte de uitzondering tot regel. Wie de ontwikkeling van de natuurwetenschap bestudeert, stuit al snel op de positieve betekenis van de christelijke scheppingsleer. God schreef twee boeken, het boek van de schepping en het boek van de Schrift. Onderzoekers als Kepler, Boyle en Maxwell waren met vele anderen van mening (...)
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  • De-centring the ‘big picture’: The Origins of Modern Science and the modern origins of science.Andrew Cunningham & Perry Williams - 1993 - British Journal for the History of Science 26 (4):407-432.
    Like it or not, a big picture of the history of science is something which we cannot avoid. Big pictures are, of course, thoroughly out of fashion at the moment; those committed to specialist research find them simplistic and insufficiently complex and nuanced, while postmodernists regard them as simply impossible. But however specialist we may be in our research, however scornful of the immaturity of grand narratives, it is not so easy to escape from dependence – acknowledged or not – (...)
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  • William James on divine intimacy: psychical research, cosmological realism and a circumscribed re-reading of The Varieties of Religious Experience.Edward J. K. Gitre - 2006 - History of the Human Sciences 19 (2):1-21.
    William James’s interest in psychical phenomena spanned his entire career as a scholar, yet is has been largely neglected. Few if any have adequately incorporated this quirky side of James into their critical studies of his scholarly contributions, not only in religious studies but also in philosophy and psychology. Psychical research was nevertheless very much part of James’s intellectual endeavors and, as this article shall argue, sheds light on an evolving, complex, and contradictory Jamesian cosmological realism. I will contextual James’s (...)
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  • The uniformity of natural laws in Victorian Britain: Naturalism, theism, and scientific practice.Matthew Stanley - 2011 - Zygon 46 (3):536-560.
    Abstract. A historical perspective allows for a different view on the compatibility of theistic views with a crucial foundation of modern scientific practice: the uniformity of nature, which states that the laws of nature are unbroken through time and space. Uniformity is generally understood to be part of a worldview called “scientific naturalism,” in which there is no room for divine forces or a spiritual realm. This association comes from the Victorian era, but a historical examination of scientists from that (...)
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  • Pascal's syndrome: Positivism as a symptom of depression and mania.Hiram Caton - 1986 - Zygon 21 (3):319-351.
    . The present study applies results and methods of psychobiology to intellectual history. Pascal's syndrome is a depressive neurosis associated with morbid effects of scientific certainty. The syndrome is characterized by self‐mortification and conversion experience that represses distressing certainties. The dynamics of the syndrome are assessed from Blake Pascal's psychosis. The ideation of the syndrome is evaluated by reference to the neurology of altered states of consciousness and the biogenic amine hypothesis of depression and mania. The evaluation yields a description (...)
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  • Nature lost? Natural science and the German theological traditions of the nineteenth century.James C. Livingston - 1993 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 24 (2):293-303.
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  • Durkheim and mauss revisited: Classification and the sociology of knowledge.David Bloor - 1982 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 13 (4):267--97.
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  • From Bentley to the Victorians: The Rise and Fall of British Newtonian Natural Theology.John Gascoigne - 1988 - Science in Context 2 (2):219-256.
    The ArgumentThe article explores the reasons for the rise to prominence of Newtonian natural theology in the period following the publication of thePrincipiain 1687, its continued importance throughout the eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth centuries, and possible explanations for its rapid decline in the second half of the nineteenth century. It argues that the career of Newtonian natural theology cannot be explained solely in terms of internal intellectual developments such as the theology of Newton's clerical admirers or the (...)
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  • Metaphysics versus measurement: The conversion and conservation of force in Faraday's physics.David Gooding - 1980 - Annals of Science 37 (1):1-29.
    SummaryFaraday's concept of force is described by six assumptions. These specify a concept that is quite distinct from ‘mechanical’ conceptions of his contemporaries and interpreters. Analysis of the role of these assumptions clarifies Faraday's weighting of experimental evidence and shows how closely-linked Faraday's chemistry and physics were to his theology. It is argued that Faraday was unable to secularize his concept of force by breaking the ties between his physics and his theology of nature. Examination of his basic assumptions also (...)
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  • The "Moral Anatomy" of Robert Knox: The Interplay between Biological and Social Thought in Victorian Scientific Naturalism. [REVIEW]Evelleen Richards - 1989 - Journal of the History of Biology 22 (3):373 - 436.
    Historians are now generally agreed that the Darwinian recognition and institutionalization of the polygenist position was more than merely nominal.194 Wallace, Vogt, and Huxley had led the way, and we may add Galton (1869) to the list of those leading Darwinians who incorporated a good deal of polygenist thinking into their interpretions of human history and racial differences.195 Eventually “Mr. Darwin himself,” as Hunt had suggested he might, consolidated the Darwinian endorsement of many features of polygenism. Darwin's Descent of Man (...)
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  • The many histories of the conflict thesis: the science vs. religion narrative in nineteenth-century Germany.Christoffer Leber & Claus Spenninger - 2023 - Annals of Science 80 (4):390-417.
    The idea of an inevitable conflict between science and religion leading to relentless hostility between the two emerged in the nineteenth century and has become a powerful narrative of modernity. Most historians of science trace the origins of the so-called ‘conflict thesis’ to the English-speaking world, more precisely to scientist-historian John William Draper and literary scholar Andrew Dickson White. Their books on the history of scientific-religious conflict turned into bestsellers. Yet, if we look beyond the Anglo-American world, the conflict thesis (...)
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  • Classical authors and “scientific” research in the early years of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, 1781–1800.Heather Ellis - 2022 - Intellectual History Review 32 (3):473-501.
    While a clear distinction was drawn between “classical learning” and “modern science” at Oxford and Cambridge Universities in the early nineteenth century, we see no such contrast being made in other spaces of knowledge making, such as the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society. Drawing on Bacon's insistence that his inductive method should apply across all fields of knowledge, early members of the Society interpreted “science” as referring to any systematic inquiry utilising an empirical approach. An investigation of the ways in (...)
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  • The evolutionist at large : Grant Allen, scientific naturalism and Victorian culture.David Cowie - 2000 - Dissertation, University of Kent
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  • Defining and defending the humanities.Peter Harrison - 2021 - Zygon 56 (3):678-690.
    In response to Willem Drees's What Are the Humanities For?, this article compares the ways in which, historically, the humanities and natural sciences have established their relevance and social legitimacy. Initially, from the period of the scientific revolution, the sciences had usually sought to justify themselves in terms of the moral and religious goals characteristic of the humanities. During the nineteenth century, however, considerations of practical utility came to displace the more traditional forms of justification. These new criteria have made (...)
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  • Making the anaesthetised animal into a boundary object: an analysis of the 1875 Royal Commission on Vivisection.Tarquin Holmes & Carrie Friese - 2020 - History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences 42 (4):1-28.
    This paper explores how, at the 1875 Royal Commission on Vivisection, the anaesthetised animal was construed as a boundary object around which “cooperation without consensus” Computer supported cooperative work: cooperation or conflict? Springer, London, 1993) could form, serving the interests of both scientists and animals. Advocates of anaesthesia presented it as benevolently intervening between the scientific agent and animal patient. Such articulations of ‘ethical’ vivisection through anaesthesia were then mandated in the 1876 Cruelty to Animals Act, and thus have had (...)
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  • High Science and Natural Sciences: Greek Theologians and the Science and Religion Interactions (1832–1910).Kostas Tampakis - 2019 - Zygon 54 (4):1067-1086.
    What was science for the Orthodox Greek theologian of the nineteenth century? How did it feature in his (theologians were all men at the time) own work? This article is an attempt to describe the science and religion interactions by placing Greek Orthodox theologians of the nineteenth century in the center of the historical narrative, rather than treat them as occasional deuteragonists in the scientists’ historiography. The picture that emerges is far more complicated than one of antagonism, indifference, conflict, or (...)
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  • A Sociological Theory of Objectivity.David Bloor - 1984 - Royal Institute of Philosophy Lecture Series 17:229-245.
    I want to propose to you a theory about the nature of objectivity—a theory which will tell us something about its causes, its intrinsic character, and its sources of variation. The theory in question is very simple. Indeed, it is so simple that I fear you will reject it out of hand. Here is the theory: it is thatobjectivity is social. What I mean by saying that objectivity is social is that theimpersonalandstablecharacter that attaches to some of our beliefs, and (...)
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  • Racial Science and “Absolute Questions”: Reoccupations and Repositions.Elizabeth Neswald - 2019 - Zygon 54 (1):252-260.
    In Divine Variations, Terence Keel cites Hans Blumenberg's concept of “reoccupation” as way to approach the relationship between science and religion in racial science. This article explores the potential of a Blumenbergian framework for interpreting the changing forms of this science – religion nexus. It pays particular attention to the shift to quantitative methods, measurement, and descriptive statistics in physical anthropology and the social sciences in the late nineteenth century, which seem to be emphatically secular. Asking whether they too, have (...)
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  • Sctentific thought and its meaning for religion : The impact of French science on British Natural Theology, 1827–1859.John Hedley Brooke - 1989 - Revue de Synthèse 110 (1):33-59.
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